nority, in which he might be found, that would induce him to relinquish a measure arising from justice, mercy, and true policy. The only effect a defeat on that occasion could produce would be, to confirm him in a resolution of doing in the next session that, which the situation of the church and the people required. He had the utmost veneration, love, and respect for the church, which he was determined to prove, not by words only, but by acts. He had heard, indeed, very plausible professions of regard to the church: but while they remained mere words, unaccompanied by deeds, he should pay little regard to them. He was determined to prove his affection to the church by his actions, by securing her ministers in an honourable affluent independence, and by removing every cause of dispute that could endanger their persons or properties.

He could have wished, that government had not taken any part in the business. He could not see what an English cabinet, or an Irish secretary, had to do with it. The gentlemen of the country knew best their own situation; it should therefore have been left to them. On the riot bill the house had resolved themselves into a committee on that part of the lord lieutenant's speech, which respected the disturbances; they did not, however, examine at all, whether there were any disturbances, but they adopted a measure more adapted to an adult sedition than to the suppression of a flying peasantry. However, as ministers were responsible for the quiet of the country, the measure was agreed to; but having done so, it certainly was now necessary ro enquire into the distresses of the people, to enquire into their grievances after they had become coerced into obedience, after it had been declared by some of the first officers of the state, and allowed by every one, that they were bowed down with misery, and ground to powder with oppression; after they had passed a law to shoot, and to hang, and to whip, and to banish, and to imprison them, could it be thought too soon to enquire into their grievances? It might, indeed, be too late, but the dignity of parliament would be injured. And how has the right honourable gentleman maintained that dignity? By sealing up the lips of the majority, and pronouncing his veto against compassion. I should have wished, continued he, he had not risen, or that the imperial veto had not sealed up the springs of humanity.

It has been said, that the exoneration of potatoes from tithe would be of no advantage to the poor. Where had gentlemen learned that doctrine? Certainly not in the report of Lord Carhampton. Or would they say, that taking sixteen shillings an acre off potatoes is no benefit to the miserable man, who de pends on them as his only food?

It had been admitted, that some tithes are illegal, such as those on turf, and the poor man was advised to institute a lawsuit for relief. Were gentlemen serious when they gave that advice? or would they point out, how the man, who earned five pence a day was to cope with the wealthy tithe farmer that oppressed him?

It had been said, they should not pay any regard to people in a state of resistance; that it would be derogatory from the dignity of parliament, and that they should apply in proper form. He laughed at such language; there could never be a time when it was improper for the legislature to do justice. Mr. Grattan's motion was then superseded without a division.

When the bill for better executing the laws, and for the bet ter preservation of the peace within the counties at large was read a second time, it was warmly opposed by several of the patriots; Mr. Griffith* was unwilling it should be brought

This gentleman was very vehement in his expressions on this occasion. 7 Par. Deb. p. 445. He objected against going into a bill of that importance, in a house consisting of not one third of the members, and most of those present were aids de camp, searchers, packers, gaugers, placemen of all descriptions, and pensioners. And that it was highly indecent at that time to press forward a bill of such consequence, a bill, which created thirty-two additional judges, which annulled six hundred magistrates, which raised an army of three thou sand soldiers, under the name of constables, and changed the administration of the justice of the country, Mr. John O'Neile said the bill would raise a body of five thousand sub-constables, which was equal to one full third of the standing army, and had but two objects, viz. to increase the patronage of the crown, and to overawe the people, Mr. Charles O'Neile was vehement in the support of the bill.

On the further progress of this bill, Mr. Fitzgibbon very tauntingly upbraid. braided the gentlemen on the opposition bench, for their silence, as if proceeding from inability and ignorance, which was highly resented by Mr. John O'Neile and Mr. Conolly: the former reminded the attorney general of several unconstitutional acts brought in by him, some of which still disgraced the statute books: namely, the bill for securing the liberty of the press, which deprived the subject of his birth-right; a trial by jury; and vested in the magistrate the executive of judicial powers, making him at once the judge, who was to preside, the jury to deliberate, and the executioner, who was to punish: his prosecutions by attachment, which met with the loud and general condemnation of all ranks of men and of lawyers fully as able as himself, which also deprived the subject of his birth-right, the trial by jury and lastly, his bill to prevent tumultuous risings as it first stood, enjoining the prostration of the houses of religious worship, which would have driven two-thirds of the people to despair, madness, and rebellion. He warned ministry to desist from that overbearing exultation, with which they carried questions by their majorities, and insolently attempted to run down country gentlemen from standing up in support of their oppressed countrymen. Mr. Conolly observed, that a country gentleman might be well excused, if, in his zeal to serve the country, he fell into some error upon the constitution: but no apology could be made for the law officer of the crown, at the head of his own profession, who, to seduce that house, openly asserted so false a fact, as that in giving them that bill, he was giving them the law of Great Britain, where constables were not made and paid by government. The attorney general made a full apology to Mr. O'Neile. 7 Parl. Ďebates, p. 474.

forward before so thin a house: Sir Edward Crofton opposed it on the same ground, as well as upon the unconstitutional tendency of the measure. Mr. Conolly entertained the most serious apprehensions from putting the country under an armed marechausée, by making constables dependent upon government for their salaries. He had, he said, asked the attorney general, when the Riot Act was introduced, whether it were intended to be followed up with a general police bill; and the right honourable gentleman had said it was not. The attorney general still persisted, that no such thing was intended, and he pledged himself to prove in the committee, that the bill then before them had no such tendency. Mr. Conolly professed himself anxious to have the laws strictly executed, though in a constitutional way. He always approved of a Riot Act, and was confirmed in that opinion by the late Marquis of Rockingham, the known friend to liberty, who declined going over to Ireland, alleging, that he never would go to a country, where à Riot Act never had existed. Yet he would not object to the bill, if the constables to be appointed under it were to be elective in the counties by the grand juries. The bill was committed by a very large majority.

It was singular, that so many sessions had passed over without any motion or resolution concerning the body of Roman Catholics: the Protestant part of the nation had latterly become much reconciled to them, as appeared by the liberal declarations of the volunteer corps. On the 4th of April, 1787, Mr. Brown, of the college, without any previous notice, or any particular view, brought them under the consideration of the House of Commons, by a motion, which he carried, even against the vote of the secretary. The motion was in itself of trifling consequence: though every circumstance, which ascertains the disposition for the time being, of the government and parliament towards that numerous part of the Irish nation, cannot be indifferent to those, who take an interest in the history of that kingdom. He accordingly moved, "That the proper officer do lay before "this house, copies of all the rolls, which have been transmitted "to, and deposited in the Rolls Office of this kingdom, con"taining the names, titles, additions, and places of abode of "such persons as have taken the oath prescribed by the statute "of the 13th and 14th years of his present majesty, intituled, "An act to enable his majesty's subjects of whatever persuasion, "to testify their allegiance to him; specifying the time when, "and the court or magistrate, before whom they respectively "took the said oath. Also, that the proper officer do lay "before this house, copies of the returns, which have been made

* 12 Journ. Com. p. 258.

"to the clerk of the privy council, by the registers of the several "dioceses in this kingdom, of the names, abodes, ages, parishes, "times and places of receiving Popish orders of such Popish "ecclesiastics as have been registered in pursuance of an act of "the 21st and 22d years of his present majesty, intituled, An 46 act for the further relief of his majesty's subjects of this king"dom professing the popish religion."

The Secretary of State could not conceive for what purpose those motions were made; and as the motion affected great bodies of men, he hoped he would oblige the house with his motive.

Mr. Browne said, that in the year 1774, an act passed, by which any of his majesty's subjects were enabled to testify their allegiance. The dissenters were particularly pleased at this, as before they had no such opportunity. In 1778, an act passed allowing Roman Catholics great advantages, such as taking long leases, with this proviso only, that they should previously have taken the oath of allegiance. Another act afterwards passed, taking off many restrictions, and giving them every advantage possessed by Protestants, except filling any of the offices of state. He wished to know how generally the oath of allegiance had been taken?

Mr. Charles O'Neill observed, that the motion might gratify curiosity, but could not answer any useful purpose; and the secretary of state thought the object of those motions was to insinuate an imputation upon two great bodies of men, to excite a suspicion of their fellow subjects. Convinced how groundless such a charge would be, and convinced of the extreme danger of making it, he should vote against the motion. Pamphlets of a very exceptionable nature had been published, and the nation might apprehend, that the house was proceeding to that investigation in consequence. Upon that ground he also objected to the motion. He wished the business not to be pursued, as it went to revive matters, which every man should wish buried in perpetual oblivion.

Mr. Griffith remarked, that there was not a body of people better affected than the Roman Catholics. A very ill-judged suspicion had already given them the alarm, and that motion would still further increase it. He hoped, from what had fallen from the secretary of state, the motion would be withdrawn. It was, however, put and carried.

Two other subjects occupied the attention of parliament during the session of 1787: one of them was, the consideration of the treaty of navigation and commerce with the French king:* the

* Mr. Mason reported from the committee of the whole house, to whom it was referred to take into consideration, that part of his grace the lord-lieute

other was a plan of education, which appeared to have been a favourite subject of attention and study to the secretary for two years. Shortly before the close of the session, he submitted the plan of it to the house; but it was not relished or supported according to his wishes or expectations. The parliament was prorogued on the 28th of May and his excellency's speech comprised the usual thanks for the supplies, assurances of his majesty's affectionate protection, and promises of his own economical application of the revenue, and a recommendation to the people of regular and peaceable demeanour.

In the long and interesting discussion of the treaty of navigation and commerce with the, French king, the parliament of Great Britain was not altogether inattentive to the interests of Ireland. When the report of the committee upon that treaty was brought up to the British House of Commons, notice was taken of what had been said relative to Ireland, and the Irish propositions, arguing, that great good might result to Ireland, if she passed laws adapted to the regulations of duties contained in the tariff.

Mr. Flood said, that he could assure the right honourable gentleman and the house, that he felt no extreme anxiety for the attainment of any benefits for Ireland through the medium of a treaty, to which he had so many objections on the ground of its being disadvantageous to Great Britain. He had on a former day stated, that if the sentiments of the manufacturers remained unaltered, they could not but be adverse to a treaty with France, founded on principles so transcendently more injurious to their interests, than the principles of the former treaty with Ireland. Nothing could be more self-evident, than that if the reasoning of the manufacturers had been right on that occasion and their apprehensions had been justifiable, the same style of reasoning would apply more forcibly on the present occasion, and their apprehensions would be still more justifiable. With regard to the court of France understanding, that Ireland was implied and comprehended in the present treaty, although it were not so declared in express words in any part of the treaty, he asked what security had Ireland for her share of the advantages or privileges, which the treaty held out to Great Britain, if either privileges or advantages were likely to arise from it, any more than she had for the court of Lisbon's extending to her the advantages of the Methuen treaty, which it was well

nant's speech, which related to the treaty of navigation and commerce, concluded by his majesty with the Most Christain king, the resolutions, which the committee had directed him to report in the house, which he read in his place, and after delivered in at the table. They were fifteen in number, and are to be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXVII.