nation; they were on the rack of expectation; and they had minds too sanguine to remain long on the stretch, and relax ungratified into patience and submission. Something must be done respecting the general question of an adjustment, and the corner stone of connexion be laid in that moment. That in the interval of a summer vacation, many events and storms might happen to wash it away, if it were not solidly and deeply laid; and that if there were not now a beginning, it might be doubtful, when we might ever again have a chance to see the beginning take place. While peace lasted, we should avail ourselves of the opportunity, and form a plan while in a state of quiet, which might grow habitual before we came again into a state of trouble and distress.

On the 18th of July, Earl Fitzwilliam observed, that he had heard it argued, that the adjustment then going forward, was necessary, on the authority of a resolution, that had passed that house in the year 1782, which laid it down, that a permanent ground of connection ought to be established between Great Britain and Ireland: that resolution, he contended, did not extend to, or comprehend any idea whatsoever of a commercial nature, but was solely confined to political objects, and that opinion he would by no means relinquish, unless the minister, who had brought it forward, were ready to stand up and declare, that his object in proposing it, was one that related to commerce. That necessity had also been attempted to be proved, from the riots and discontents among the manufacturers of Dublin; but that he by no means admitted as a sufficient reason for the concessions granted by the present arrangement, looking upon it as he did, to proceed from that licentiousness, with which Captain Brooke had described those persons to be infected. The demands, which that mob had made, were for protecting duties, which their parliament had very wisely, and he was sorry to say, with more fortitude than had been shewn by the minister of England, refused to gratify them with, knowing that such a measure was by no means necessary. Since then these clamours of a mob had been received as dictates by a British minister; why did he exceed them in his acquiescence? and why did he, in compliance with a demand of protecting duties, introduce a system, that overturned the whole policy of the navigation and trade of Great Britain? for he would again repeat what he had said before, that the universality of the plan then proposed, was a proof of the indiscrimi nating weakness of those, from whom it originated; who, in despair of discovering the proper objects, which the arrangement ought to embrace, had widely and wantonly extended it to all. But other reasons besides the want of protecting duties,

might be assigned for the prevalent discontents in Ireland, (reasons by no means connected with commerce, but wholly relating to constitutional considerations,) which were the violent and oppressive measures pursued in that country by attachment, to restrain public meetings of the people for the purpose of deliberating on great national questions, a thing which they were indisputably entitled to do, especially at the very time that a circular letter was sent about this kingdom under the sanction of the minister, and signed by a gentleman of some consideration, (the Rev. Mr. Wyvill) inviting the people to conventions and associations of a similar nature, and for the same purposes as those, which were the objects of such intemperate persecution in Ireland.

Lord Townshend, whose government of Ireland for nearly five years, supereminently qualified him to speak favourably of that country, on this occasion supported ultimately the propositions, though he interlarded his speech with some home truths, eminently illustrative of the critical situation of that country, under the then existing circumstances. When he returned from his majesty's government in that kingdom in 1772, he had the honour to tell their lordships in that house, that if they did not bring that unfortunate contest with America to a short issue, there was another part of the empire, which had long laboured under our burdens and wars, which would expect from our justice at least, as much indulgence as others might acquire by their revolt. He remembered he was deemed what was called a croaker, nay worse, a croaker of treason; but the views, interests and passions of mankind, were generally the same; and when neither senators nor ministers would make them a part of their calculations, but endeavour to quadrate what they wanted by what they wished, they would ever find themselves the dupes of their own calculation. He wished that many of their lordships had deigned to have visited the remote provinces of our sister kingdom; there they would have seen a hardy, innocent, oppressed race of men, in a rich soil, surrounded by numberless flocks and herds, yet unclothed, unfed, and mostly unhoused, owing to our restrictions upon their imports and exports, yet contributing their persons and their labours to the support of the empire: would their lordships wish to continue so large a part of their fellow-subjects in that state of subordination and misery? The fact was, that our manufacturers had informed Ireland of more than she knew before; that if we did not grant them a fair participation of our commerce, they would have it without it. If any one were wild enough to think we could coerce them, he neither knew the geographical situation of Ireland, nor the character of its inhabitants. His lordship wished to say no more on this subject, than that an opulent

and luxurious country, like an individual of the same character, might lose much by such a conflict; a poor country, like a poor individual, especially if robust and desperate, would suffer less, perhaps could scarcely be worse than they were. It had been urged by many, what necessity was there for such a measure at that time? The parliament of Ireland said, they had expressed twice the warmest satisfaction and perfect contentment at his majesty's gracious indulgences to that kingdom; that the volunteers were dwindling, and that the force of government was never stronger there, or had ever been more exerted to the suppression of rebellion and tumults than at that period. He must, he declared, ever honour the national spirit of the volunteers of that kingdom, in spite of all the discountenance, discouragements, and expedients, with which government attempted to depress them. They had given an illustrious example of what a brave and animated people could effect in their own defence. Yet he did not carry his admiration so far as to approve their assembling under the nose of parliament, to prescribe, reform, and dictate to their representatives; there was much palliation to be pleaded in behalf of our impassioned neighbours, especially when they recollected, what a quantity of political combustibles had been exported into that kingdom from this, and even the most chimerical propositions recommended, however unfitting her peculiar situation; on the contrary, had the same constitu tional regulations been imparted to her at that period, which we had adopted and enjoyed in this kingdom, those formidable volunteers had perhaps never existed; but it seemed we were as jealous of our constitutional superiority as our commercial, and consequently had surrendered with reluctance what we should have granted with cordiality. The alterations which had been made in the first propositions to Ireland, were certainly very considerable, and plainly proved the defects of the original plan; imperfect and perilous it certainly was, and had it passed, might have produced greater evils than, he was persuaded, it was calculated to prevent. Much reproach had been laid at the minister's door for the alterations he had made or admitted; in this his lordship rather thought him commendable in reforming his own errors, or of those who might have misled him, and for adopting better materials from his adversaries. What would not have been urged, and with justice, had he acted otherwise? Had he persisted in errors, and persevered in measures repugnant to his professed views and the interest of both countries, because they were his own.... Had he maintained his own infallibility in spite of his conviction, and sacrificed the peace and welfare of both kingdoms to his own personal imporHe said, he scarcely knew how to avoid mentioning, nor how to describe to its full extent, her situation for trade, the

advantages of her southern ports, her command of St. George's Channel, the supplies of her sailors, and provisions in time of war, her consumption of our manufactures and imports in time of peace, the manhood, intrepidity, and perseverance of her inhabitants, aids which a voluptuous empire always required, and could not exist without. There were those he knew, who counted much upon her proximity and her divisions. She was too near, not to be most dear to us, and their lordships might believe, not so mutable upon national points as ourselves. He spoke not to intimidate, but to inform. All he hoped most ardently was, that we might give enough to engage the affections and cordiality of our sister kingdom; not to attempt a bargain parsimonious and equivocal. He knew the generous and manly sentiments of that country were such, as would engage them to make a common cause, and admit of no future distinctions. If he had expressed any degree of preference for Ireland, he begged their lordships would impute it to the veneration he bore it, and the obligation he owed for their partiality to his failings; he was naturally, he hoped, the advocate of the oppressed and meritorious; he knew the Irish to be generous and untemporizing friends, and who disdained to be behind hand in reciprocity. On the 19th of July, 1785, after a long debate a division took place in the House of Lords, when there were 84 for the resolutions, and 30 against them.

On the same day the resolutions were sent from the Lords to the Commons, where, after a very warm debate, the amendments made by the Lords were agreed to: afterwards Mr. Pitt brought in a bill to the House of Commons founded upon them, which was read a first time on the second of August: and was followed up by an address to his majesty, voted by both houses of parHament, wherein they acquainted him with what they had done, and that it remained for the parliament of Ireland to judge and decide thereupon. On the 12th of August Mr. Secretary Orde moved the house for leave to bring in a bill, which was a mere transcript of that moved by the English minister. The debates on this occasion, and more especially on the side of opposition, were long and animated. Whatever had the least appearance

* The following protest was entered on the Journals " Dissentient, because we conceive the plan contained in the report, as well from the manner, in which it has been introduced and conducted, as from the matter which it contains, to be likely to create and promote jealousy and dissatisfaction through. out the kingdom.

DERBY
PLYMOUTH
SCARBOROUGH

WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM
NORTHINGTON
KEPPEL."

In order to give the reader full information upon this important part of the modern history of Ireland, the debate on Mr. Pitt's bill is given in the Appendix, No. LXXV. together with the address to the king, and his majesty's

answer,

of infringing on the legislative independency of Ireland, was marked and stigmatized in terms of the utmost indignation and contempt. The perpetual disposition of her hereditary revenue by the last proposition, the surrender of her commercial legislation by the fourth, the restraint imposed on her from trading beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and the Straits of Magellan by the ninth, were put in every point of view, in which reason and eloquence could render them impressive and convincing. On this side of the question, Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood were not only supported by the regular body of opposition, which amounted to more than threescore, but were also joined by all from the treasury bench, who set up any pretension to independence.

In favour of the bill it was urged by Mr. Fitzgibbon, Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Foster, that the fourth proposition, which had excited so much jealousy and alarm, could not on any fair construction be said to take from Ireland her right of commercial legislation, any more than the acts passed in 1779 and 1782 had done before; in those Ireland had stipulated to trade with the British colonies and settlements in such manner as Great Britain herself traded, to impose the like duties, and to adopt the same restrictions and regulations. That in the bill before them, it was proposed to trade with Great Britain on the same principle; the liberty of either complying with the conditions, or renouncing the agreement in toto, whenever the conditions should become obnoxious and unsatisfactory, would be left by the present bill full as much in the power of the Irish parliament, as it was by either of the foregoing acts. The difference only was, that by the former acts Ireland had subscribed to the commercial laws, which had been adopted by Great Britain for 290 years back; by the present, to such as that country should bind itself to in future; but that it would be still in the power of the Irish parliament to renounce these laws, and the whole agreement together, whenever she thought proper. On the other hand, the commercial advantages offered to Ireland by the bill were stated to be very important; the linen trade was thereby secured to her for ever, the colony trade through Ireland to Great Britain was given her, the British markets were thrown open to Irish manufactures, and again, as these manufactures, were allowed to be re-exported from Great Britain, with a drawback of all duties, the Irish would, in effect, export on the foundation of British capital, at the same time, that they were left to employ their own capital in the extension of their home manufactures.

* The speech of Mr. Grattan is given in the Appendix No. LXXVI. not only as comprehending all that could be said upon this suject, but as a speci men of the sublimest oratory.