ington to this commander, I am informed is not of such activity as to press through difficulties with which that service is environed. I am, therefore, much alarmed for Arnold, whose expedition was built upon yours, and who will inevitably perish if the invasion and entry into Canada are abandoned by your successor.' But although Washington was not at the time aware of it, Montgomery outranked Wooster and took the command, and that general accompanied him. It is said that when Washington found that Montgomery out-ranked Wooster his 'joy was unbounded.' He knew Montgomery's character for bravery, enterprise, and perseverance, and his hopes were rebuilded for the success of the expedition. Quebec is one of the two strongest fortifications in the world, and he fell in his mortal wounds in the moment of victory in the frozen path. Consternation followed his death, and with it defeat to this most daring and well-planned attempt of American patriots. Besides being a brave and brilliant soldier, he was able in political sagacity, and while his conquest of the British posts along the Canadian lines were progressing, Congress saw the advantage of having the Canadians join hands with the colonists, and it appointed a committee to confer with Gen. Schuyler. But on Nov. 12th, when Montgomery took command, he issued an address and gave an invitation such as the Congressional Committee was instructed to give. language of his document, and that of the Congressional Committee, was similar enough to be written by the same hand." [So much for the bravery, zeal, and quick-sight, with which he devoted himself to the services of his adopted country.] "When Washington heard of

his fall at Quebec he wrote:

The

"I am heartily sorry and most sincerely condole with you upon the fall of the brave and worthy Montgomery. In the death of this gentleman America has sustained a heavy loss, having approved himself a steady friend to her rights, and of ability to render her the most essential service.'

As I find this matter in the records of the time when the Montgomery Guard corps was organized in this city I consider the above outline relevant and "part of my case," as the lawyers say in court, in connection with a sketch of what they were and suffered. The Atlas writer wrote congratulatory on their formation, and for one reason so, he made reference to the Broad-Street riot, and to the reliance which might be placed upon them as a "conservative force," in keeping the peace of Boston, our city being then honey-combed with the malevolent stings of racial and religious antipathy to the Catholic population. On Sunday, June 11, 1837, occurred the Broad-Street riot, just three months previous to the stoning of the Montgomery Guards. What a commendable. forbearance and obedience to orders did the soldiers of that command, with the strong, hot blood of old Eire in their veins, and the lusty brawn of the manhood of their sires in thews and sinews, exercise in screwing down their patience, with grips like bands of steel, under this recurring attack and provocation from the missiles and jeers of their bitter enemies.

The "Broad Street riot" is described by the chronicles of the time as "a scene of extraordinary confusion and excitement, growing out of a riot of the most serious character, that has resulted in a lamentable

destruction of property and much personal injury. It was a miracle that there was no loss of life. It commenced during the religious services in the afternoon. The members of Engine 20, it appears, were returning from a fire in Roxbury, and had turned into East Street (the Cove district), and came in contact with a funeral. The collision. resulted in a bloody and fierce fight, which," says the reporter, "extended its fiery track through Purchase Street to the corner of Broad. It began through who should take the sidewalk. The melee soon became general, and the funeral people took possession of the Engine House. The fire company members rushed to the churches and rang the bells, wherepon the different firemen rallied to Engine 20 and accessions thereupon were made to both parties. The Irishmen numbered three hundred [number of firemen and associates not given], but fought inch by inch to Purchase and Broad Streets. Then the fiercely pursuing mob commenced the work of destruction. A man by the name of Charles Sears, a recent foreman of the Hook and Ladder Company, who was discharged for climbing the Hollis Street Church steeple, was reported dead. He was wounded at Tileston or Liverpool Wharf, and borne off on a litter by his friends." [But the more vicious of the firemen made use of the false report of his death to exasperate their fellows and urge them on to the destructive fray.]

"The Irish maintained their ground, and only yielded inch by inch to overwhelming numbers, retiring pursued by the multitude. Meanwhile several of the fire companies returned to their respective engine houses, and a different class of combatants, taking their places, mingled in the affray."

"An intense excitement prevailed," says an American chronicler of the events. "The usual recklessness and disregard of life exhibited in all such scenes were displayed in every direction. When the multitude reached the corner of Broad and Purchase Streets, they broke the windows of several houses inhabited by Irish residents, entered the houses, broke up the furniture, and emptied the contents of the feather beds. The air for some distance about the spot was filled with feathers. Meanwhile the fight continued." Several hundred on both sides being engaged.

The Mayor, Samuel A. Eliot, was seasonably on the spot, and called out the Military. Portions of several regular companies were assembled at Faneuil Hall. Thousands were witnesses; but perhaps less than one thousand participated in the actual melee.

"There have been many battered and broken heads, and many bodily bruises; but we are inclined to believe," said the Monday morning paper, "that there has been no actual loss of life."

Among those acting as special aids to the Mayor on the occasion, were Hon. Abbott Lawrence, Messrs. Thomas B. Curtis, Robert C. Winthrop, Joseph M. Brown, and Henry Edwards. The corps of Cavalry was under Gen. Davis. It appears that at ten o'clock everything was quiet, and no apprehensions existed of a renewal of the riot. The Mayor had previously taken the precaution to post guards at the churches in the city to prevent any false alarm that might arise during the night, with any tendency to renew and prolong the excitement.

June 28, were arraigned in the Municipal Court of this city, for being aggressors in the Broad-Street riot, Elbridge G. Damrell, Elisha Gleason, Pliny Piper, William Frazier, John Hersey and Charles Pierce, all "native" Americans. They were held in sums of $300 and $400.

In another chapter, the MAGAZINE will give the details fuller of the organizations that showed their combination of ignorance of the history of their country and what was due to the men with whom they scorned to associate in arms with, as also in what terms Gov. Everett characterized their insubordination and unmanly spleen. In passing sentence on the Montgomery assailants, Judge Thacher gave the recreant soldiers but cool comfort, when he spoke of "the personal injuries which the gentlemen of this corps (the Montgomery's) had suffered; but were happily restrained, by the prudence of their officers, from making any return but that of steadfast patience and forbearance."

STUDENT.

The Palace of the Cæsars.

III.

AN oft-repeated boast of Augustus was that he had found Rome built of brick and had left it built of marble; and there is more truth in the saying than commonly attaches to antithetical expressions of the kind. Crassus was the first to employ marble in his house on the Palatine; but the innovation was denounced as savoring of Greek luxury, and aroused the wrath of such stern republicans as Marcus Brutus, who nicknamed him the “Palatine Venus."

With the establishment of the empire, however, marble came into general use. The temples and palaces on the Palatine were either wholly built of marble, or lined on the outside with the precious material.

It had long been a subject of wonder and conjecture how it was that the architects who built the palaces of the Cæsars had been able to procure such vast quantities of rare and beautiful marbles from all quarters of the world. A discovery made some years ago has thrown some light on the subject. Not far from Mount Testaccio, on the banks of the Tiber, was found an old Roman port or haven. The iron rings by which the vessels were fastened to the pier, and the stone steps leading down to the river, may still be seen. Large warehouses stood close by, in which cargoes of merchandise were stowed away. Within these buildings, at the time of the discovery, were found huge blocks of marble. Certain inscriptions graven on the blocks afforded a curious insight into the manner of their production and transportation to the capital.

The most famous and valuable of the marble quarries throughout the world were the property of the emperor, and their contents exclusively reserved for the imperial buildings. To such an extent had the pro

duction of marble increased at the time of Trajan, and so numerous were the workingmen employed in the quarries, that a special department of government was created (ratio marmorum) for the purpose of superintending the work. An overseer appointed by the emperor (procurator Cæsaris) presided over each quarry. Under him were certain minor officials, clerks, accountants, artists, and the like. The workingmen were composed chiefly of criminals condemned to the quarries, where they toiled their lives away, under the lash of slaves and freedmen. A life-sentence of hard labor in the marble quarries of the empire was among the most rigorous inflicted on criminals, and was often meted out to the early Christians in times of persecution.

After the marble was hewn from the quarries it had to be transported to Rome. Vessels of immense size, laden with blocks of marble, might have been seen in those days sailing out from the ports of Greece, Asia, Alexandria, and Carthage. Too large to ascend the Tiber, they were unladened at Ostia, at which port government officials were appointed to receive the cargoes and forward them to Rome. The smaller blocks were placed on boats of ordinary size, while for the transportation of monolith columns, colossal statues, and granite obelisks, vessels of a special kind had to be built.

The task of describing the ruins of the buildings on the Palatine erected by the successors of Augustus, and of recalling the historical recollections which they awaken, may fitly be ushered in by the solemn words with which Tacitus introduces his history of these times: "A black and evil period lies before me. The age was sunk to the lowest depth of sordid adulation, insomuch that not only the most illustrious citizens, in order to secure themselves, were obliged to crouch in bondage; but even men of consular and pretorian rank, and the whole senate, tried with emulation who should be the most obsequious slave."

It was a period of revolutionary change, and as such, of a general relaxation and unsettling of the moral sense. The more intellectual portion of the people had outgrown their religion; in their minds the fables of Olympus and the stories of the nursery possessed equal claims on their acceptance. They believed no longer in the myths of paganism, and had either sunk into atheism, or remained suspended in a state of doubt. The whole superstructure of religion was shaken to its centre, and, as a consequence, the pillars of morality were fast crumbling away.

During the first four hundred years of the republic, there had not been a single divorce in Rome; but now, as one of the historians of the time states it, "men and women married in order to get divorced, and were divorced in order to get married." The cradle of the race stood on a desecrated hearth, and the household virtues and charities were polluted at the fountain-head.

The old Roman race, with its great natural virtues, had been well nigh decimated during the civil wars. It was fast becoming extinct, and what remained of it was corrupted by an infusion of foreign Oriental blood. It became changed in its very elements, and from the descendants of Romulus had been transmuted into an Asiatic mob. A horde of freedmen, from the provinces of Asia Minor, constituted the

greater portion of the population. This accounts for the taint of Asiatic luxury and depravity in the morals of the time, and explains the remark of Juvenal that the Orontes had come to mingle its impure waters with those of the Tiber.

Then, too, the spectacles and gladiatorial shows to which the people had been accustomed for centuries, and in which not only beasts, but men and women were butchered, served not only to harden the heart, and blunt the more delicate sensibilities, but created such an appetite for bloodshed and slaughter, as came near to transforming human beings into wild animals as ferocious as those which slaked their thirst for blood in the arena of the Flavian amphitheatre. Women looked on in common with men at those brutalizing exhibitions, and gloated over the agonies of dying gladiators. The inevitable effect in their case likewise was not only to violate the sexual character, but to profane the sanctities of the human heart.

The social corruption of the age, the craving after bloodshed and crime, the utter unscrupulousness which prevailed, would seem to have been concentrated and intensified in the monsters who wore the Roman purple after Augustus. The phrase in which a rhetorician of the time described Tiberius,-"dirt kneaded together with blood,"— applies with equal force to his successors, Caligula and Nero.

And yet, by a strange coincidence, the early part of the reign of each of these tyrants was full of hopeful promise, and opened with every appearance of auspicious omen. Modern advocates of free thought and free speech may be surprised to find themselves anticipated by no less a person than Tiberius himself. On one occasion, when the senate demanded that his revilers be punished, he bade them "not open that window," and remarked, that, "in a free community, thoughts and tongues are free."

All this, however, may have been only a part of that profound dissimulation which distinguished the character of Tiberius. But he soon dropped the veil. The wide-spread corruption of morals in the midst of which he lived, the servility and naked selfishness of the courtiers who prostrated themselves before him, the pictures of human baseness which were continually unrolled in his sight, filled him with a despair and contempt which he took no pains to conceal. Still, while he remained in Rome the same prudence, sharpened by mistrust, which marked his career as commander of the legions in the forests of Germany, was his guiding principle of conduct among the colonnades of the imperial palaces. Mankind was now his enemy. To use his own words, the imperial dignity was a "monster," and his tenure of power he described in the words: "I hold a wolf by the ears."

The moody and despairing tyrant withdrew from Rome, and retired into the inaccessible fastnesses of the rock-bound island of Capri. "There," writes Tacitus, "all restraint being at length removed, he broke out without fear or shame; and during the remainder of his life, hurried away by his unbridled passions, made his reign one scene of cruelty and lust and horror."

Plato, in his Republic, has the following picture which answers in every lineament to the likeness of Tiberius: "A tyrant is the worst of