of the scroll has enabled the designer in various instances to modify it into the letter G, adding to the symbolic appropriateness of the piece. The inscription on the face of the body of the work, "William Ewart Gladstone; Testimonial, Presented by his American Admirers," stands boldly out from the Celtic background. The fasces in the centre represent Gladstone's Ministerial career. On either side the words "Home Rule" stand conspicuously out in solid block-letters. The female figure at the right, which it nineteen inches high, is partly balanced on the left by a heavy ring of laurel in full relief. At the rear in a wreath of olive, are the figures "1887," the year of presentation. The unique Celtic scroll, etched with minute care, forms the background of all sides. Over the face of the graduated plinth a branch of palm has been carelessly laid. Upon this rests a shield, which in the completed work bears the coat-of-arms of the Gladstone family, with the ever-present Celtic scroll about the margin. On the scroll beneath is the Gladstone motto, "Fide et Virtue." A band of alternate stars and shamrocks in bold relief encircles the lower strata of the graduated plinth. The face of the base is unique, elaborite and appropriate. Here, as elsewhere, the Celtic background is maintained, giving richness and intricacy to the details of the design. In the centre is the lamp of wisdom in full relief, symbolizing Mr. Gladstone's ripe intellectual attainments. Diagonally to this, and also in bold relief, is the axe of Hawarden, wielded with such undaunted vigor in looping off the cumberous and pernicious growth of English legislation and so sturdily laid to the stubborn roots of political evil and injustice. Above this appear the arms of Christ's Church, Oxford, where Gladstone attained the enviable distinction of a "double first" by his proficiency in classics and mathematics. Within a laurel wreath to the right hang again the scales of Justice, a tribute to his love of equitable laws and equal rights. In the wreath to the left is engraved a burning heart of silver, symbolizing his sympathy with the oppressed of human kind. On the left of the base is a bust of Homer in bas-relief, representative of his love and devotion to the classics during the lulls and even in the midst of the storms of political life. A bust of Demosthenes on the left side of the base typifies his wonderful eloquence and parliamentary power. On the rear of the base the shamrock, the thistle and the rose are artistically and fraternally grouped, suggestive of the harmony that shall prevail when the Home Rule struggle has been won. About these emblems clusters of stars cast their rays, emblazoning in solid silver the shining example of equitable government that the great Republic of America affords the world. The Testimonial. LONDON, July 9.- This afternoon at Dallis Hill, in the presence of a large number of guests invited by Mrs. Gladstone to a garden party, the American testimonial to Mr. Gladstone was formally presented to the ex-premier, and afterwards exhibited by him to the guests. The presentation speech was made by Hon. Joseph Pulitzer of the New York World. Mr. Pulitzer was accompanied to Dallis Hill by Mrs. Pulitzer and several distinguished Americans, among them Congressman Collins. Mr. Gladstone received the party a few minutes after four o'clock, and after shaking their hands and presenting them to Mrs. Gladstone, all proceeded to the lawn where the testimonial was taken out and stood upon a box. The massive piece of silver work was most carefully examined and admired by Mr. Gladstone and Mrs. Gladstone. It was the first time either of them had seen it. Mr. Gladstone then faced Mr. Pulitzer and the two gentlemen formally bowed. Mr. Pulitzer then made the presentation speech. Mr. Gladstone, who had made some notes during the proceedings, spoke with great deliberation and feeling, as follows: After praising the beauty of the gift, he said he did not think so much of what he deserved or might fairly claim as of the profound and irrepressible interest of America in the great Irish cause. (Cries of "Hear! Hear!") He would not dwell upon himself further than to say that while in public life praise and blame came from all quarters freely, praise generally came in a manner of which, for the most part, public men could not complain. The case of America was peculiar in this respect. From America he had never anything but the most generous treatment, unmixed indulgence for and appreciation of whatever efforts it had been in his power to make, the most generous interpretation of everything he has said or done,and a disposition outrunning alike his expectations or wishes to interpret his conduct, not only wisely, but in a manner which the largest charity would scarcely suffice to account for. He would not dwell upon personal matters which were of minor importance on such an occasion, but he had hardly a greater consolation than the unanimous support he had received in America in the present struggle. (Hear! Hear!) Some of his countrymen, in the false position wherein they had placed themselves, expressed .certain jealousy of American interference in English affairs. Was he to consider the interference of one nation by the expression of opinion in the affairs of another unjustifiable and intolerable? If so, that sentence would fall heavily upon England, because she has been interfering in everybody's concern throughout the world, instructing countries. what they ought to do and how to do it. It was much too late, under these circumstances, to object to the conduct of Americans when they venture to advise upon the Irish question. It would be monstrous and unnatural if Americans did not do it, for feelings of humanity required it at their hands. (Cheers.) It was not merely an expression of opinion from America. England long has been the recipient of American alms. This great, ancient and wealthy country was not ashamed to partake of the growing wealth of America. We receive American alms to lighten famine in Ireland. It is our business, if possible, to prevent it, or, if it rises, to bear the cost thereof. We have received American alms, not for that alone, but for the removal from Ireland to a happier land of a large portion of the population which Lord Salisbury recently designated as a burdensome engagement upon the soil. While America's operations and remittances were confined to those purposes nobody complained, but we had now reached another period, when the sympathy of the Americans took another form. The Irish people were no longer fighting their battles through secret societies; they were no longer driven to assert what they thought were their rights by movements against public authorities. But they were fighting a great parliamentary contest, and they had the support of hardly one in a hundred of the propertied classes in Ireland. America had once more, to what extent he did not know, for he was ignorant of the details, administered to the wants of Ireland, to enable her to assert her rights in a constitutional manner, by pecuniary means, which were absolutely inseparable from every public operation or struggle. America having done that, there were expressions of surprise and indignation of regret and horror, and assertions of foreign conspiracy. The cry was raised: Give us your money, for our landlords, to take away our emigrants of whom we want to get rid, to bear the cost of the famine for which we ought to provide, and we will not complain; but assist our fellow subjects to fight the battle of liberty in accordance with our law and constitution, and immediately we indignantly expostulate and complain to the world that you are interfering with British institutions. (Cheers.) He contended. that the whole civilized world in its literature favored the cause of Ireland. He had challenged men who knew more than himself to produce a single author of repute who did not severely and unmitigatedly condemn England. The challenge was unanswered. (Cheers.) Criticising the coercion bill, Mr. Gladstone said it was passed by men a majority of whom, when elected, opposed coercion and condemned the permanent features of the act and the suppression of societies in Ireland. He regretted that the American deputation had come at a time of retroaction and retrogression. There was one consolation. It was impossible that the love of liberty should recede from the people. He believed that the people, as represented by the present Parliament, were a deceived, deluded people. But the recent elections showed that they were awakening. (Cheers.) The cause of liberty would triumph eventually, when Americans and mankind generally — British mankind especially - would rejoice. The Education Question in a Nutshell. PARENTS are not safe in conscience, but are running great risk of eternal happiness, who will expose their children to lose their faith or morality in irreligious schools. Parents are bound in conscience to send their children to Catholic schools wherever they are established. The Church tolerates parents in sending their children to public schools where there is no Catholic school near them, but the Church does not take the responsibility of advising parents to send them to them; and when Catholic children are so constrained, parents and priests are obliged to be more attentive in instructing these children in their religion, and in seeing that they frequent the Sacraments. Parents are obliged to transmit to their children the most precious inheritance of faith which they received from their ancestors, and they commit a more grievous injustice in not doing it, than if they were to squander away their worldly inheritance, because the inheritance of faith is the more precious as it is to last for eternity. Children have always a right to this treasure, especially in youth, the springtime of life, for when the scorching rays of the summer sun of adolescence come, it may be too late to plant the seed. Again, the life of a child is like a web of cloth which the shuttle is constantly making, and whatever figures the workmen may wish to interweave will be marked upon it, whether beautiful or the contrary. As the shuttle is constantly going, the greatest care should be taken that the images may be always pure and true. Evil impressions on young minds are most difficult to erase. The foolish ghost stories, or lies against the true Church heard in youth, will influence old age. Even when reason has corrected those falsehoods the imagination will still conjure up the images of youth. For Catholics the rule of the Church from the earliest ages is, that the education of Catholic children must be based upon and mixed up with religion, and our Holy Father Pius IX., of blessed memory, has declared that "mixed education is an evil." The sneers and taunts of Protestant children against the priest, the sign of the cross, the mass, the Blessed Virgin, holy water, etc., chill greatly the reverence of the child towards sacred things. We know this from experience, and from the experience of others who had frequented the Protestant schools. We could not induce a Catholic child of eight years of age, who had frequented a Protestant school for about three months, to make the sign of the cross, because the child had heard it was a wicked thing to do. The deaf and dumb are still more tenacious of first impressions. ARCHBISHOP LYNCH on the "Duty of Parents." What it Cost to THE following contains a number of facts that will prove interesting to ex-soldiers, or in fact to any one. Official returns show that about 2,900,000 soldiers enlisted during the war, in response to the successive calls of President Lincoln, and that of this number 186,097 were colored troops. Of this number, New York furnished 467,047 men, Pennsylvania furnished 366,107 men, Ohio furnished 319,659 men, Illinois furnished 259,147 men, Indiana furnished 197,147 men, Massachusetts furnished 152,048 men, Missouri furnished 109,111 men. These figures do not include men who enlisted for a shorter period than ninety days, and, estimating on the basis of New York's enlistment of 17,213, it is fair to calculate that the aggregate of troops furnished by the State for the Union armies was at least 3,000,000. Additional reports show that the Northern and Southern armies met in over two thousands skirmishes and battles. In 148 of these |