Ar the Consistory held on Friday, May 26th, the Holy Father delivered a weighty Allocution, of which we are now able to give a translation from the official Latin text. It runs as follows:

Venerable BROTHERS: Before proceeding to make known Our choice for the sees of bishops, and for filling up the number of your illustrious College, We would say a few words to you upon a most important subject already well known to you, but about which We believe you would be glad to hear from Our own lips. We speak of what has lately taken place in Prussia, in the interest of the Catholic Church. By the blessing of God, an agreement has been come to at last on a most important matter, to which We have applied Our whole soul. Having put aside all minor considerations, We have had simply in view the salvation of souls, as was incumbent on Us. You are aware of what has been the sad state of things in that country now for many years; indeed you have shared with Us in Our deep solicitude in deploring the sight of Churches without bishops, parishes without priests, liberty of public worship restricted, ecclesiastical seminaries closed, and consequently such a scarcity of priests that not enough remained to carry on the services of the Church, or to look after the souls of the people.

We felt all the more acutely these grave evils, from the fact that We alone could not remedy them nor even alleviate them, the more so as Our own power was in so many ways curtailed. We therefore made up Our mind to seek for a remedy where it behooves Us, and this with all the more confidence, that We knew we should be sincerely and resolutely supported in Our endeavors, not only by the Bishops but by the Catholic members of Parliament, those men so constant in defence of the best of causes, from whose united and persevering action the Church has gathered already so much fruit and expects it of them in future. Our desire and hope received no slight encouragement from the fact that we knew the peaceful and equitable desires of the august Emperor of Germany and of his Government. At an early date an alleviation was sought for the graver evils; little by little various conditions of an arrangement were come to; lastly, by the promulgation of a new law, as you know, the dispositions of former laws were either wholly abolished or greatly mitigated. In a word, an end was put to that violent conflict that had been so sad for the Church and so useless to the State.

We therefore greatly rejoice at this happy issue obtained by long efforts and the result in great part of your counsels. We therefore render special thanks to God, the Consoler and Defender of His Church. If there are still other things which the Catholics, not without reason still desire, We must bear in mind how many and how great are the things We have already obtained. Foremost, the fact that the power of the Roman Pontiff in the government of the affairs of Catholics is no longer looked upon as foreign in Prussia, and that it has been established that henceforth this power can exercise itself without hindrance. You understand, Venerable Brothers, that it is no slight thing that the Bishops should now be free to administer their dioceses, that seminaries destined for the education of the clergy should now be re-opened, and that many of the religious orders should be recalled from exile. With regard to other things still to be done, We shall continue Our efforts, and, taking into consideration the good-will of the august Sovereign and the dispositions of his ministers, We wish all Catholics to be good of heart and full of hope, as We ourselves are, that even better things will follow.

We are happy also to look at other parts of Germany, for We have good grounds for believing that not only in Prussia itself, but also in other parts, a fairer view of Catholic rights and interests is being taken. Our hope in this respect has been quite recently strengthened by the fact that the Grand Duke of Hesse Darmstadt has sent Us an envoy with a view of modifying the laws of his Principality in respect to the liberty of the Church. Words fail to express the great joy this has given Us, for there is nothing We so earnestly desire as that God would give Us sufficient length of life and strength to see the whole condition of Catholics happily settled in Germany, and to behold the Church there securely enjoying its rights and protected by the laws in such a way that it may freely progress and extend its sacred mission.

But Our thoughts are not limited by the frontiers of Germany. Wherever the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff is acknowledged, there Our care, Our solicitude, and Our watchfulness extend; and Our charity, as it should, embraces all who bear the name of Catholic without distinction of place or race. Moved by this charity, We do all that is in Our power not only to improve the condition of those whom We have mentioned, but of all Catholics without exception. Let Us pray then earnestly to God that He may bless and give a happy issue to Our efforts.

Would that the desire of peace that We have towards all nations should in the way We wish benefit Italy, which God Himself has united so intimately with the Roman Pontificate, and which is so dear to us by the ties of nature. As We have often said before, We have for a long time and most earnestly desired that the minds of all Italians should be in possession of assured peace, and that the fatal disagreement with the Roman Pontificate should at length (aliquando) be removed: however, without detriment to justice or to the dignity of the Apostolic See, whose rights are not so much violated by national hostility as they chiefly are by the conspiracy of the sects, but to open the way to peace, it is necessary that the Roman Pontiff should be placed in such a state

as to be subject to no other Power, and be in possession of a true and real freedom as every right demands. If this were done, and a true judgment of things taken, not only would Italy (res italica) be none the worse for it, but would receive great help to its safety and prosperity.

And now We have decided to call to the honor of belonging to your order two men who are well known to you by the qualities with which they are gifted — Aloysius Pallotti, Auditor of Our Apostolic Chamber, who, in the various offices he has filled, has always combined zeal and ability with love of the Holy See; Augustine Bausa, a member of the Dominican Order, Master of Our Sacred Apostolic Palace, whose piety and learning are only equalled by his humility.

Quid vobis videtur?

We, therefore, with the authority of Almighty God and of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and our own, create and proclaim Cardinal Deacons of the Holy Roman Church, Aloysius Pallotti and Augustine Bausa, with the necessary and fitting dispensations, derogations, and clauses. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.

I HAVE often wondered why a working man so seldom asks himself, "Can I afford to drink?" Let any one who is a moderate drinker estimate what it costs in a year, and I think the amount will astonish him. It will not be far from one month's pay out of twelve. Suppose as I have often stated it to men suppose it costs an average of fifteen cents a day; and I do not consider that estimate a very high Figure it out for a month, or six months, or a year.

one.

It would pay the interest on a mortgage of one thousand dollars; it would purchase many an article of household furniture; it would bring into the home many a comfort now unknown; it would at least pay many a bill which cannot now be met. Add to this what is spent in protracted sprees, the time lost to work and the wages unearned, and the sickness often resulting, the money lost at the gambling table, and it is safe to say that intemperance robs labor of more than enough to give a decent home to any working man.

I have often asked what would be the language used if a notice were posted in the shops declaring a reduction of fifteen cents a day, and I can readily imagine their answer: "We are working now for starvation wages; we find it difficult now to keep body and soul together, and here is another reduction. Let us resist it." Secret meetings would be held, district assemblies would take action, a strike might be ordered and a boycott issued.

Then why not protest against the blood-tax which intemperance collects? Why calmly submit to this reduction of your small wages? Why not strike against this great enemy of labor and boycott Rum? It

is like a grinding capitalist; crushes man's life, picks his pockets, and uses his hard earnings as a bludgeon to destroy him. Cry out against the corporations that poorly pay your labor, unite against monopolists who seek to get the most possible work for the least possible pay; but cry also for protection against this master Intemperance, who, whip, in hand, lashes worse than ever overseer tortured slave. Worcester, Mass.

REV. T. J. Conaty.

Orange Brutality and Bunkum.

AN ENGLISH PAPER DRESSES DOWN THE CANADIAN BLACKGUARDS.

FOR the second time in its obscure history, the "dirty, stagnant little town" of Kingston, on the shores of Lake Ontario, has become notorious, and divides the doubtful honors of Orange blackguardism with Toronto and Hamilton. Kingston is one of the strongholds of Orangeism in Canada. The first articles of the Orange faith are loyalty to the Crown of England, and to the principles of civil and religious liberty. In asserting these principles the Orangemen of Kingston, like their brethren elsewhere, have a code of their own, and their own method of illustrating it. The conspiracy to murder Wm. O'Brien, M. P. the editor of United Ireland, and the cowardly and brutal manner in which the attempt was made, is one of those methods of vindicating the rights of man, according to Orange ideas, which Orangemen, the world over, are always ready to put into practice, in defiance alike of the decalogue and the laws of the land in which they live. The Orange notion of loyalty is quite as peculiar as their idea of liberty. In 1861 the Prince of Wales, in the course of his visit to America, had some taste of its quality in the very place in which Mr. O'Brien was so nearly murdered a few days ago; but the Prince, with the "caution" of his race, acting on a timely hint, escaped from the clutches of

"His Loyal Subjects"

without being subject to the personal maltreatment that has been visited on Mr. O'Brien in the course of his attempt to discharge a patriotic duty. On that occasion the loyalists of Kingston, under the leadership of a butcher called Flannigan, insisted on receiving the Prince in Orange fashion, and conducting him to the Town Hall in procession, to the strains of the "Boyne Water" and "Croppies, lie down." This attention the Prince declined, whereupon the Orange. men prepared for battle. A message was sent to him, which stated that unless he accepted the Orangemen's terms, he would not be permitted to land at all. The Prince temporized. He would take twentyfour hours to consider the proposal. All night the vessel rocked beside the pier, and on the beach the Orange loyalists kept sentry, lest their royal visitor should attempt to sneak ashore in the darkness.

The

morning dawned, and found the guards at their posts, more resolute than ever. "Either," declared the butcher, "you will give way or the Orangemen, and it will not be the Orangemen." "The Orangemen of Ireland," said another, "can chuck him off his throne. If he doesn't like our way he may do the other, and, any way, we will give him a lesson that he won't forget "- which assuredly they did.

The Prince was Obstinate,

and so were his tormentors, and the steamer stood out to sea. But the loyalists were not to be balked, and scouts were sent along the coasts to intercept his landing at any point. At Belleville the Prince actually did attempt to land, but the Orangemen were active, and foiled him. Again he put out to sea, and succeeded by a stratagem in setting foot on Canadian soil at Cobourg, his pursuers failing to reach that port in time to drive him back. We have no concern with royal progresses, but it is not possible to withhold sympathy for any man put in such a dismal plight as was the young Prince of the blood, on the occasion of his first visit to one of our dependencies. And the arrogant spirit which put so gross an affront on him is the same spirit which has now broken out in the brutal outrage on a better and a more courageous

man.

The truth is that the Orange party, though never weary of boasting of their loyalty to the throne and to liberty, are loyal only when by means of that profession they hope to maintain the hateful spirit of Protestant ascendency in church and state; and the dastardly attack on Mr. O'Brien is only the latest evidence of their zeal for liberty after the old intolerant fashion. The Kentish Conspiracy in 1828 and the following years showed that they were ready when it suited their purposes to betray the country, as they are now ready to suppress liberty anywhere. Then they plotted to set aside the accession of the Princess Victoria, because she was suspected of

Liberal Opinions,

and to place on the throne, after the death of William IV., their Grand Master, the Duke of Cumberland. They corrupted the army, and seduced many soldiers from their allegiance. They corrupted the church, and made the Bishop of Salisbury Grand Prelate and Grand Chaplain of the Order. They corrupted the Bench, and Judge Kenyon became a party to the plot. The conspiracy was detected and driven home by that grand old Radical, David Hume, and the pages of "Hansard" bear witness to the extent of the plot and to its infamous character. The society was suppressed by a unanimous vote of the House of Commons on the motion of Lord John Russell, and the Duke of Cumberland and his fellow-conspirators would doubtless have paid the penalty of their treason but for the influence of the king and the kinship of the leader to the royal house. In later years it was resuscitated, and lives once more for the sole object of perpetuating the miserable feuds that have so long disgraced the north of Ireland, and which in late years have broken out in New York and other parts of the United States as