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the ancients took care not to despise dreams; let us imitate the ancients; and since Atala's buskins were red, let us go and risk one forty-sous piece on that color.

It would be difficult to say if the experiences actually collected by the great representative of the bourgeois class of Paris in the cafés and restaurants in that city of strange silhouettes, really do present any thing much

more than the sarcastic writer of the Mémoires de Bilboquet has imagined for him.

By the side of fools [says the bourgeois physiologist] there are in this world quarter fools, third part fools, and half fools, who live with one another, seeking one another's society, and carefully eschewing that of less or greater fools, considering themselves particularly happy in the possession of a moiety of human reason, by the side of others who have only a third or a fourth part. They are like those poor afflicted patients who complacently

comfort one another at Eaux Bonnes: those who

have only one lung and a half looking with pity have only one lung and a half looking with pity not unmingled with contempt upon those who have only one, and sometimes even the half of one.

I have dined assiduously every day [we are at a loss to discover whether the epithet assiduously applies to the eating or the attendance] for more than two years at Very's. I used to arrive at the same hour and to take my place at the same table. I had for neighbor for some months an Englishman, who was as punctual and as regular as I was. One day my neighbor bade me good-bye. "I am going," he said, "to embark, to make a little tour round the world." At the expiration of eighteen months, on his return to Paris, he found me, as if by appointment, at the same hour at the same table. He had been around the world, whilst I had scarcely moved from the same place. Nevertheless, by dining for long periods at a

time at different restaurants, I have been able to make the grand tour of human intelligence, and especially of those four thousand opulent and idle men of whom Byron speaks, who pass the whole of their lives in running after pleasures of five minutes' duration, and for whom the world is

made.

The Parisian sometimes boasts of his native eccentricities, but it will infallibly be found that when he wants to depict an excessive case he selects an Englishman for his type. The above is by no means the only instance of Dr. Véron's national failing that way.

I was introduced [he relates] at the Count Torreno's, former Minister of Queen Christina's, and who died of carbuncle at Paris, to an Englishman and his wife, who were immensely wealthy, and only resided a few days in Paris, travelling the remainder of the time in France; they loved nothing but the bottle, and never left the table till they had lost their senses. In their travels, their only object was to seek for rich slopes and hill-sides, and their

sojourn in a place was regulated by the quality and the renown of the growths of the vine.

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The bourgeois physiologist distinguishes between what he calls ivrognes (sots?) and soulards (drunkards?). This amiable couple, who disdained even Paris for the slopes of the Dordogne, were soûlards, not ivrognes. But he says he has known many soulards, chiefly jeunes grand seigneurs' (" his friends,) says the memorialist of Bilboquet, "are always the most distinguished men and women of his time,") who got brutalized upon brandy or absinthe. Those who get upon absinthe attain a pitch of folly so singularly developed, that it is known as the folly of the Absinthiers. One of these unfortunates used to say: "I never taste what I eat, I only taste what I drink." "During my directorship of the Opera," says Dr. Véron, "I was intimate with one of these drunken young lords. He used to give the same orders to seven or eight hackney carriages, so that he should be accompanied by seven or eight vehicles to a pot-house outside the barrière, where he would pass the night in drinking brandy and brutalizing himself amidst drunken companions."

The Doctor goes on to remark, that drunkenness is not merely a vice, it is also a disease; and a change of habits cannot be suddenly brought about without danger. A certain prelate had arrived by slow and imperceptible degrees at the point of drunkenness every night, and that by himself and at his

studies. In order to effect a cure which should be as agreeable as the slow stumbling into the vicious habit had been, he adopted a very ingenious plan. He changed his glass for a silver-gilt cup, and every night he dropped into it one drop of wax, thus gradually diminishing the capacity of the cup and the quantity of wine consumed. The difficulty still presented itself of not making up for the deficiency of size in the cup by filling it up more frequently, but such critical inquiries would manifestly spoil the effect of the drop-of-wax story.

I exchanged [M. Véron relates] little acts of politeness with an Englishman who appeared to me worthy of study. He sent me his card; his name was surrounded by bottles, opera-dancers with outstretched calves, flowers and birds, all delicately engraved. He lived at the Hotel Meurice, and he often gave dinners to Englishmen, his friends, which began at eight o'clock at night, and finished at eight in the morning.

His father, the possessor of one of the largest fortunes in England, had also one of the finest collection of birds in the country. The son had,

like the father, only two passions-wine and ornithology. He asked me one day to breakfast; nothing was put on the table but hard-boiled eggs of the rarest birds, from the egg of a partridge to that of a swan. Í breakfasted as one ought to breakfast, for I did not breakfast at all.

This story had probably no better foundation than that the Englishman, wishing to present his visitor with a rarity, had some plovers' eggs served up, (the artist being responsible for their being hard-boiled,) and which the inventor of the pâte pectorale, not being familiar with, at once pronounced to be the eggs of all the rarest birds that are known.

I was acquainted [he adds farther on] for a long time, having met him at a restaurateur's, with a half-idiot, whose repartees were often very original and witty. One day he came into the Cafe Anglais. "I am very tired," he said to me; "I have been walking ever since eight o'clock this morning," And taking a bottle of Bordeaux from his pocket, he added: "Here is some excellent wine which you must taste; all the world knows that wine improves by travel, and I have been carrying it about ever since eight o'clock this morning."

It was the same semi-idiot who interrupted the performers, in the midst of a first representation at the Théâtre Français, by rising up in his box and saying to the public: "You must agree with me, gentlemen, that it is very unfortunate that the author of this new piece has not an income of fifty thousand, francs; he might then, perhaps, be induced not to write such pitiable productions."

Here is another highly-colored portrait of an imaginary Englishman:

His fortune was immense; he had no family or connections; he was a bachelor. Life weighed heavily upon him; he had no vices, no tastes to pander to. This man sought my confidence, and I trembled for the moment lest it was to disclose a projected suicide; but it was not so. "I have found," he said, "a means of supporting existence; I have conceived a plan, to accomplish which will carry me to the confines of old age. I have had three travelling-carriages built, the arrangements of which I myself have planned. I have set myself the task of collecting, in labelled bottles, the waters of all the streams and rivers in the world; but I shall have, unfortunately, the pain of dying before my collection is complete." Was not this a very intelligent and felicitous mode of disposing of a large fortune?

As intelligent and as felicitous, we will venture to say, as it is true! Like the falls

from which Bilboquet rose up with only an increase of fame in early life, so this utterly incredible story is followed by two others still more extravagant: one of an Englishman who travelled in search of pipes and cigars; another, of a rich, generous, handsome, and intellectual (!) wanderer, also from outre manche, who studied the petites affiches, to place all advertisers for situations, as dames de compagnie, dames de confiances, and even cuisinieres, into so many appartements de petit bourgeoise. What a collection he must have made! These are capped by a third monstrosity - he, however, a rich French financier. He could not get himself to admire any but horlogeres-the feminine for watch or clockmakers. And to such an extent did he carry this perverse passion, that his watch, like his brain, being out of order, he could never get it repaired, as he was afraid of visiting the establishment of an horloger--the masculine for horlogère--for fear chastisement for his many interferences with the works within--the internal domestic arrangements!

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Well may the Doctor say, "A truce to these pictures of the rich, the idle, and the luxurious, who are but a disgrace to humanity." If Dr. Véron had any title to be the Juvenal, the Martial, or the Petronius of his day, there might be some excuse for such portraits depicted as belonging to actual society; but there is neither wit nor fancy, neither point nor satire, in the extravagances thus presented to us. They are simply foolish and licentious; and, what is more, we feel morally certain they have no better foundation than half an hour's idle talk; foolish projects broached at a café or a restaurant, never intended even to be put into practice, and yet recorded in these veracious Memoirs as things that have actually taken place! "Formerly," says the author of the Memoirs of Bilboquet, "the poet addressed himself to Apollo, to Mercury, to Jupiter, to Vesta, or to any other mythological fetish; I shall address myself to the farmer-general of the Place de la Bourse: thou only, O great man, shall I invoke! Prepare your placards, write out your most miraculous advertisements; and if that colossal gudgeon which is called the public does not bite at the hook of thy eloquence, we shall for ever despair of the stock-exchange and of civilization.'

From the Westminster Review.

LIFE AND DOCTRINE OF GEOFFROY ST. HILAIRE.*

A NOBLE life, and a doctrine large in its conception, fruitful in its results, invite our attention to Geoffroy St. Hilaire, whose name is familiar to every zoologist, but whose works have fallen into a neglect only to be accounted for when we remember how little the world at large cares for abstract speculations, how little the majority of men of science care for more then scientific details. Compared with the renown which his great rival, Cuvier, gained so rapidly, so extensively, and held so long undisputed, the fame of Geoffroy is curiously insignificant; and although the vast capacity, the brilliant literature, and effective services of Cuvier, will always deserve historical recognition, yet to one who estimates great conceptions at their true value, Geoffroy will always be considered as a thinker in the science of which Cuvier was little more than an expositor. In saying this, we are far from desiring to say any thing in depreciation of Cuvier, for the petty purpose of exalting his rival. No admirer of Geoffroy would underrate the man Geoffroy so highly prized. The two men were essentially different; each admirable in his sphere; but the sphere of the one was more readily appreciable, because on a lower level. Lest our estimate be thought unjust, we refer to De Blainville, who, in his "Histoire des Sciences de l'Organization," with all his admiration for Cuvier's capacity, refuses him a first place in the history of the development of science,-refuses to acknowledge him as the representative of an epoch:

Le service qu'il a rendu, c'est de résumer tous les travaux des savants de l'Europe, en y joignant ses propres observations; mais il n'a introduit aucun principe dans la science; toutes ses théories sont fausses, et même assez généralement abandonnées pars les hommes qui font marcher la science, pour n'être même plus jamais cité dans les ouvrages faits par eux.-Tom. iii., p. 405.

Eloge Historique d'Etienne Geoffroy St. Hilaire. Par M. Flourens. Paris: 1852.

† See the characteristics of the two intellects, Westminster Review, October, 1852; Art. "Goethe as a Man of Science."

It is otherwise with Geoffroy: he introduced new and great conceptions, which guided the successive labors of inquirers, who verified, modified, and extended them, working under the impulsion given by him, even when not conscious of his influence. In a future article we may have occasion to show some of the fruits of Geoffroy's influence; for the present we confine ourselves to a narrative of his life, and a brief exposition of his doctrine, the materials being furnished us in his own works, and in the beautiful monument of filial piety which a remarkable son has raised to an illustrious father: "Vie, Travaux, et Doctrine scientifique d'Etienne Geoffroy St. Hilaire."

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Etienne Geoffroy St. Hilaire was born at Etampes, 15th April, 1772, "d'une famille honorable, mais peu fortunée." From another branch of this family, the Académie des Sciences, in the eighteenth century, possessed three members, the most celebrated of them being also an Etienne Geoffroy, born exactly a century earlier, 1672. He also was professor at the Jardin des Plantes, and, to complete the coincidences, was the author of the "Table of Chemical Affinities," in which the relations of different bodies were conceived very much in the spirit, and sometimes even in the very terms, of the celebrated "Théorie des Analogues." These affinities alarmed the orthodox, somewhat as Geoffroy's views alarmed the orthodox of a later day: the chemists thought these affinities were "des attractions déguisées ;" the zoologists thought the theory of analogues "led to pantheism.' Innovations always "lead" to somethinggenerally Atheism.

In spite of the scientific glory of his race, he was destined for the Church. But during the long winter nights and soft summer evenings, Geoffroy was wont to listen to his grandmother's recitals of "the days when she was young;" and in these stories the names of the St. Hilaires who had been illustrious were

The "Eloge," by Flourens, though founded on this work, is occasionally inaccurate, but worth reading for its charming style.

Geoffroy: and there was so much grateful modesty in his tone, that Daubenton at once took a liking for him—a liking soon to ripen into an affection.

emphasized with family pride, in a way to rouse the ambition of the listening child, who one day exclaimed, "I too will become famous; but how?" The old lady told him there was but one way, "il faut vouloir forte- This was in 1792. The date is enough to ment: you must undertake it with resolute call up before our minds a vivid picture of will;" and she placed in his hands that Bible the epoch. Strangely contrasted amid this of heroes, "Plutarch's Lives." He read that feverish tumult of falling thrones and newbook as almost all remarkable men of modern births of freedom, stands the little episode times have read it; but the scaffolding of ima- we have been narrating, an episode of philoginary castles it raised was rudely shaken by sophic endeavor ennobling quiet lives: but pecuniary necessities, which obliged his father the political tumult was now to break in upon to procure for him a purse at the College of the sanctuary of science, and to show in the Navarre, whence he beheld the prospect of broad light of energetic actions the true nobia clerical career. Truly has it been said, "Cha- lity of this youthful nature, hitherto so calm. racter is destiny;" the young student learned The 10th of August had separated the nation nothing at college but experimental philoso- into two camps. Geoffroy was too obscure phy, taught by Brisson. On quitting college he for danger; but those with whom he lived refused all inducements to enter the Church. were priests who had refused the oath. Haüy, Science was the vocation which claimed him; as the most illustrious, was among the earliand he entreated to be allowed to enter the est arrested. Geoffroy saw him dragged to Jardin des Plantes as a pupil. But at that prison-to be followed by the other priests epoch science was no profession for a young of the college of Lemoine and Navarre. All man without fortune; and Geoffroy's father that Geoffroy knew he owed to the priests; only permitted him to follow scientific lectures and in spite of the odium then attached to on condition of his embracing law as a pro- the class, in spite of the obvious danger of fession. He accepted; before the close of the taking their part, he devoted himself to their year, 1790, he was bachelier en droit. This rescue. He flew to Daubenton, and to all the was his first and last step in that career. He savants in whom a generous spark was likely changed from law to medicine, whence the to be kindled; and such was the impetuous passage to pure science was but a slight trans- earnestness and activity of this youth, that ition. He had entered the college of the Car- Haüy's liberation was solicited by several dinal Lemoine as parlor-boarder, (pension-eminent men in the name of the Academy. naire en chambre,) and there he became the pupil and the friend of Haüy, the crystallographer. Although he was but a boy, and Hauy was a "don" at the college, yet these two simple and affectionate natures, first brought into contact by mutual regard for Brisson, of whom they loved to speak, and finally brought into intimacy by mutual love of science, became more like father and son than like teacher and pupil. This intimacy was further sweetened by the participation of a third, the venerable and honored Principal of the college. And the three discussed physics, mineralogy, zoology, botany, with a serenity of mind and eagerness for truth, as charming to the boy as to the two venerable priests. Under such influences Geoffroy became daily more devoted to science, and was seen less at the Ecole de Médecine, more at the Jardin des Plantes and Collège de France. He was the assiduous pupil of Foureroy and Daubenton. The latter, one day, talking with him about crystals, exclaimed with astonishment, "Young man, all I can say is, that you know a great deal more about it than I do." "I am but the echo of M. Haüy," replied

It was granted. The 14th of August, at ten o'clock in the evening, Geoffroy threw himself into the arms of his friend, exclaiming, "You are free!" But Haüy, with an ignorance of danger, and a scientific preoccupation, intelligible to every collector, was too busy arranging his dear minerals (which had been thrown into disorder by the police, and which he had had brought to his prison) to think of leaving them as they were, and he declared he would not quit until the morrow. Even when the morrow saw Geoffroy there again, Haüy insisted on a further delay, in order that he might attend mass. After some hours he followed his young liberator, and was once more in the college beside Lhomond, who had been rescued by one of his old pupils, Tallien.

Geoffroy's anxieties now centred in the other professors still in prison. He made various attempts, but in vain. The terrible days of September were approaching, and Danton had uttered his famous phrase, Il faut faire peur aux royalistes. Geoffroy felt that entreaties were idle. A plan of evasion was prepared. He disguised himself as a

commissaire de prison, and on the 2d of September, while the tocsin sounded for the butchery to commence, this noble youth penetrated the prison, and communicated to his dear old masters the plan he had contrived. But here we meet with one of those traits of heroism which that fearful epoch so abundantly called forth, as if in protest against its atrocities: the venerable priests refused to follow him: "No," said the Abbé Keraran, "we will not desert our brothers; our deliverance would render their fate inevitable." In vain did Geoffroy supplicate. He was forced to leave them; only one priest-a stranger-following.

The massacres of that day were too horrible for Geoffroy to remain quiet in sterile regrets. Save his friends he would. All day, and throughout the evening, he awaited some chance. When night darkened the bloody scene, he brought a ladder to the prison of Saint Firmin, and placed it against an angle of the wall, which he had in the morning indicated to the Abbé Keraran. Eight terrible hours did he remain on that wall before any one appeared. At length a priest was visible, and in another minute free. Several others succeeded. One of them, in getting over the wall, fell and sprained his foot. Geoffroy took him in his arms, and carried him to a timber-yard close by. He then returned to his post, and aided some others to escape. Twelve ecclesiastics were thus rescued by him from massacre, when a shot was fired at him, and tore his coat. He was at that moment on the wall, and so absorbed in his generous efforts that he did not perceive the sun had risen!

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fessors appointed. Of the twelve, two were to be zoologists. One was given to the illustrious Lamarck.* For the other, the celebrated northern naturalist, Pallas, was proposed. Daubenton declared for Geoffroy. By the law of the 10th of June, Geoffroy was appointed. On hearing it, Fourcroy, subsequently one of his best friends, spoke with vehemence against such a proceeding as that of making a youth of one-and-twenty professor; but Daubenton prevailed. The young professor himself was scrupulous, and thinking, with Fourcroy, that he was too young, wished to resign, whereupon Daubenton exclaimed: "You will do nothing of the kind; I have the authority of a father over you, and I take on myself the responsibility. No one has yet taught zoology in Paris; there are a few materials for a science, but every thing has yet to be created; have the courage to undertake it, and do so in such a manner that in twenty years it may be said-zoology is a French science."

Behold him, then, professor at one-andtwenty, and professor of a science which had not yet been taught in public, which had indeed to be created. His colleague was the great Lamarck, who, although then aged forty-nine, and already celebrated for his botanical works, was quite as young as Geoffroy in that science to which both were destined to give an imperishable direction by their conceptions. A botanist and a mineralogist suddenly called to fill chairs of zoölogy, when the collections at their disposal were wretchedly poor, when there were no funds to increase the collections or to purchase books, and when Europe could not Two days after, he was with his family at supply their wants! But genius plays with Etampes. The anxieties and excitement of difficulties, finds in them invigorating stimuthe scenes he had just passed through pros- lus, makes stepping-stones of obstacles; and trated him with a low nervous fever. He these two men of genius commenced in July, recovered, and in his old age was fond of re- 1793, those labors which were to create a counting how the aspect of nature, the peace- science and a vast collection of Natural Hisful spectacles of village occupations, and the tory. Geoffroy's opening course was deliquiet of botanical studies, gradually drove vered in May, 1794, and among his audience from his mind the sombre pictures and the it is pleasant for us to picture, as it must bloody scenes with which his memory was have made him proud to see, his venerable oppressed. He returned to Paris in the father taking faithful reports of what fell winter. There he was received by Haüy from the young professor's lips. and Lhomond as his noble conduct deserved. Daubenton, to whom Hauy said, "Love, aid, and adopt my young liberator," did so to the fullest extent; and, in March, 1793, when Lacépède resigned his place at the Cabinet d'Histoire Naturelle, Daubenton claimed and obtained it for his protégé. This step was soon to be followed by another. The Jardin des Plantes was reörganized, and twelve pro-pointment.

Among the services he rendered to the Museum of Natural History was that of realizing a wish of the prescient Bacon-the establishment of a menagerie. Chance favored him, and he boldly seized the chance.

It is by an error that the date of 1795 is given in De Blainville's "Histoire des Sciences de l'Organization," iii. p. 348, as that of Lamarck's ap

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