1. That according to the definite assurances of President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George, published in the newspapers to the effect that the wishes of the inhabitants would always be considered when deciding what Power should administer their country, we confidently hope they will redeem this pledge in the case of Togoland.

2. The people of Togoland are English-speaking, and during the régime of the late German Government the necessity for the acquisition of the English language was so great that influential men had to send their sons abroad for English education.

3. Since the British occupation the Administration is considered just, humane and uplifting, and we ardently desire the continuity of such a benevolent Government.

4. It will be an irreparable injustice to us natives of Togoland if we are handed over to rulers other than the British whose influence is predominant here.

In the event of our wishes not being granted we must feel that we are dealt with contrary to the popular demand.

This we solemnly and sincerely commend to your serious consideration in deciding the fate of this Colony which is sentimentally British. (Signed) OCTAVIANO OLYMPIO,

President of Committee on behalf of Togoland Natives.

The Gold Coast Aborigines Society, "composed of Kings, Chiefs, Eastern, Central, Western Provinces in Conference at Cape Coast," have also sent a cablegram to the King-Emperor, praying "for retention at the Peace Conference Togoland, which is contiguous to Gold Coast, inhabitants whereof being their own kith and kin."

Parliamentary.

THE COLONIAL OFFICE DEBATE.

THE Under-Secretary for the Colonies in his statement in the House of Commons upon the introduction of the Colonial Office Vote on July 30 made very interesting references to a number of Colonial problems (other than the question of the Chartered Company and Rhodesia, which is specially referred to below), of which some record should appear in these pages.

After referring to the part borne by the Dominions and Colonies in the War and the great military effort which had been put forth by the Crown Colonies, as for instance in East Africa and Rhodesia where more than two-thirds of the male inhabitants joined the Army, while the Native troops had done valuable work, both as combatants, carriers and other

auxiliaries, Colonel Amery spoke of the importance of repair and reconstruction in the Colonies and Protectorates: this he said

"must mean something more than the restoration of pre-war conditions ; it must mean that we must set up a new and more positive standard of our duty and obligation towards the peoples to whom this House is in the position of a trustee, and to those territories whose boundless potentialities call urgently for development in the interests of their own inhabitants, of the British Empire as a whole, and of the impoverished and wasted world."

Large territories were likely to be assigned to Great Britain by mandate under the terms of the Peace Treaty; this would not, Colonel Amery believed, impose upon us conditions which we should not impose upon ourselves in dealing with subject peoples, but it was now our task to do this work more strenuously and successfully than ever.

"We must have a new standard of effort and achievement, and a new consciousness in regard to the task that lies before us."

On the question of Health, Col. Amery said much had already been done and the death rate, both amongst white officials and natives, had largely gone down in East Africa, but owing to the War and the need for porters and carriers there had been a great flow of population backwards and forwards which had spread disease, and the state of that country called for very great efforts to bring it back to the pre-war position.

Colonel Amery contended that we had been in advance of other administrations in our endeavour to cope with the Liquor traffic. Last year the Colonial Secretary had announced complete prohibition of imported trade spirits for British West African Colonies, which involved a loss to the revenue of Nigeria alone of something like £1,000,000 a year, and of £500,000 to that of the Gold Coast. The British and French Governments had between themselves agreed to the raising of the minimum duty on trade spirits into their tropical Colonies to 17s. 6d. per gallon.

As regards the great labour problem Colonel Amery said we had to deal with it in a constructive spirit. The Government hoped to induce the Native to become his own employer and his own cultivator, and he instanced the success of the Cocoa Industry in the Gold Coast. He was not, he said, one who believed that the white man's plantation with hired coloured labour should cover the whole field, for he wished to see the field of the small native cultivator extended as widely as possible, but there was plenty of room and need for both kinds. The old indenture system had aroused strong opposition in India.

Referring to the education of Natives, Colonel Amery emphasized the importance of practical education in Agriculture. The Government wanted

to start Agricultural colleges for research from which new ideas and better methods would be diffused; the War had put a stop to measures of this sort, but he hoped to take the matter up again.

The Under-Secretary said that we had never realized sufficiently the immense possibilities of the Crown Colonies and Protectorates and the immense wealth which would be created by science, energy and organization.

"The prime object, of course, of that development must be the welfare of the inhabitants of those regions. Our first duty is to them; our object is not to exploit them but to enable them materially as well as in every other respect to rise to a higher plane of living and civilization."

RHODESIA.

The Rhodesian land question and the position of the Chartered Company were well discussed in the debate.

COLONEL AMERY made special reference to it in his opening speech, and began by justifying the work of the Company, which he said was not a mere trading concern but had been started by Mr. Rhodes in order to retain a great region of Southern Central Africa under the British flag. "The fact that Rhodesia was British was invaluable in South Africa." The Company had been declared by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council to have acted as agent of the Crown which owned the land, and as it was therefore entitled to reimbursement of deficits incurred on its administrative expenditure, the Government had appointed a Commission, with Lord Cave as Chairman, in order to determine what were commercial and what administrative expenses. The Commission would take evidence both here and in South Africa.

Colonel Amery said, in reply to questions by Sir Donald Maclean, that the Commission would consider whether the Matabele War expenditure was necessary and proper, and that the Government would accept the assessment of the Commission "as a correct and final interpretation in terms of money of the Privy Council judgment," but the whole question would be fully discussed in the House before Parliament was asked to vote any money.

Referring to the attack made upon the Chartered Company in Mr. Harris's pamphlet which he stigmatized as “rather lurid and highly inaccurate," although it was significant that Colonel Amery refrained from intimating a single inaccuracy,-Colonel Amery said that these matters had been discussed at the time of the War, dwelt on the misrule of the Matabele, and said that the Imperial Government did then take effective steps to look after the interests of the natives.

The Under-Secretary also made a brief reference to the position of

the South African natives who were under the Union and the native deputation to this country whose full case he said he had heard. We could not, however, interfere with the responsible Government of the Union.

Sir DONALD MACLEAN, who said that the Chartered Company had always been regarded in this country as a very big and successful commercial undertaking, hoped that in the future it would live up much more closely to its charter with its trusteeship clauses than it had in the past. He feared there were some discreditable chapters in our attitude towards the native races even in Rhodesia. It was the duty of the Government to see that the Company did its duty.

"What," he said, is the position of the natives at the present moment ? With the exception of those who have acquired land by purchase or by some such transaction, not a single native owns a foot of the land in which he lives. That being the case, and the revenues of the country and the future development of its natural riches depending upon the labour of its natives, surely this country, with the League of Nations shedding its new ray upon a world sadly needing enlightenment, will see that this territory which, after all, is being mandated to us owing to the circumstances of the past, is administered in a spirit of trusteeship not only for the white settlers, but also for the natives."

As regards Lord Cave's Commission, Sir Donald Maclean expressed the hope that when it took evidence in South Africa the natives would have full opportunities of making representations.

Mr. SPOOR, in the course of a long and able speech, dealt with the claims made by the Chartered Company, and went on to speak of the treatment of the natives. Colonel Amery had rightly spoken of our first duty in Rhodesia and countries like it as being to the native inhabitants.

"He repeated what has frequently been repeated in this House-and I only wish it had always been acted upon by some who have gone oversea -that it was not our intention or desire to exploit these people. I have in my hand a pamphlet that I imagine has been sent to every Member of this House. I notice it bears on the back the names of men well known in the public life of our country, and one or two who are distinguished Members of the House of Commons. If the statements contained in this pamphlet are true-if these statements are substantially true-I say that here we have a record of commercial criminality and of bad administration that it would indeed be very difficult to parallel. I would like to suggest that the terms of reference under which this Commission is going to work should be wider, so as to take in the whole question of administration in that country, and especially in so far as that affects the life of the nation. To take one or two sentences in this pamphlet:

"The fact presented is that no single native of the Mashona and Matabele and kindred tribes owns, either personally or through membership of his tribe, a foot of land, a spring of water, a sacred graveyard, a patch of garden, or even a plot on which the native hut is erected.'

"I say if that statement is true, this is obviously a case for very, very serious and close investigation, and for reformation as well.

.. We are told that whilst this Company could have its case prepared out of public funds the natives themselves were compelled through taxation to pay for preparing the case for the white settlers, they were not allowed to contribute towards funds to prepare their own case. If that statement is also true, it is high time we had an investigation of a very thorough kind. I do not want to go on quoting that pamphlet. I only hope it has been read by Members of the House who have received it, and I submit that the very closest investigation should be made into the allegations that are contained in it."

Adverting to the Rhodesian native certificate of registration, he expressed the belief that there was a tendency towards real slavery in the methods of government, and added:

"I do not believe that this method of administering a country like Rhodesia is one that would commend itself for a single moment to the public of this country, were they aware of the actual facts, and I believe -again, I say if the statements that have been made are true-that the continuance of such a state of affairs will disgrace our national honour and lower our national prestige."

NATIVES UNDER THE UNION.

Mr. Spoor spoke of the Boer ascendancy in political matters since the Act of Union and the prevalence of Boer views on the natives.

"From the moment of the passing of the Act of Union and the coming into existence of the new South Africa, there has been a definite tendency to eliminate and destroy the rights of the natives. The natives feel this very strongly. They have petitioned this Government, so far without success. They have applied to the Colonial Office. The Colonial Secretary tells them that that is a question that cannot be dealt with here; they must fight their case out in South Africa. I want to ask how it is possible for the natives of South Africa to fight their case out in that country, when in that country they are denied all constitutional rights. Those people consequently look to the Imperial Government, and I submit that this is a question in which the Imperial Government should exercise every power they have got in order to restore to the natives of that country the conditions which existed before the Act of Union, and in order to let them recognize that, so far as British rule is concerned, it is our desire that all classes and all colours shall live equally and freely together, enjoying common rights.

“I would, therefore, urge the Colonial Office to do everything in their power to remedy a state of affairs which is a disgrace to the Government of South Africa, and I cannot but believe that any representations made by the Imperial Government to South Africa would have some effect. At all events, I do think, that inasmuch as the natives in the British part of South Africa before the Act of Union enjoyed conditions of freedom and equality with the whites it is our duty to see that they enjoy no less