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As we are endeavouring to gradually raise a strong healthy race to a higher plane, it is the duty of these people to take the utmost advantage of the facilities provided for them. If this is done, they may supply an excellent argument for the occupation of these fertile lands by other races who would make them serviceable to the community."

This appears to mean that it is the duty of the aboriginals to rise to a higher level for the benefit of the white races who can then make use of them. The Protector seems to be on stronger ground when he argues that the teaching provided in order to train the children in habits of industry and discipline will be thrown away if at the end of the school term they are released to a life of idleness.

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"I am convinced," he writes, that persuasive methods have failed to produce the desired result, and the only alternative is legislative authority to insist upon every able-bodied man doing a fair day's work. In some quarters this procedure would be termed slavery,' but any person who possesses an intimate knowledge of the people and the subject will think otherwise. The islanders have not yet reached the stage when they are competent to think and provide for themselves; they are really overgrown children, and can best be managed, for their own welfare, as a prudent parent would discipline his family."

This is a dangerous line of argument, which may easily lead to abuse. We must bear in mind the declaration sanctioned by the highest authorities, that forced labour for private profit amounts to slavery.

The report is, as usual, illustrated by a large number of photographs. The addition of a map of the localities concerned would be useful.

Memorial to Sir T. F. Burton.

THE proposal to repair and renovate the Anti-Slavery Memorial Drinking Fountain in Parliament Square, as a tribute to the memory of our late President, has met with widespread approval, and the carrying out of the work, subject to the supervision of the City Engineer, has been authorized by the Westminster City Council, to whom the care of the fountain was transferred in 1899 by Mr. Sydney (now Viscount) Buxton, who personally undertook the cost of its repair at that time. Unfortunately two brass plates which used to be affixed to the structure have been lost and part of the original inscription is missing and cannot be traced. The Society is taking the advice of a qualified surveyor as to the work to be done, and it will be put in hand when the season is more advanced. Sir Stephen Collins, M.P., has taken a kind interest in the scheme and is giving the Society the benefit of his expert advice in the matter. It should be added that Viscount Buxton, the High Commissioner for the Union of South Africa, has expressed a warm interest in the scheme, the fountain having been originally

designed by his father, Mr. Charles Buxton, M.P., on whose initiative the memorial was erected in 1863.

Promises of subscriptions amounting to £80 4s. 6d. have been received by the Treasurer from the following donors

EARL OF CROMER, VISCOUNT BUXTON, LORD KINNAIRD, LORD LAMINGTON, LORD BRYCE, LORD CHANNING, LORD PECKOVER OF WISBECH, THE BISHOPS of Oxford, HEREFORD AND DURHAM, BISHOP H. H. MONTGOMERY, DOWAGER LADY MONKSWELL, RT. HON. W. P. SCHREINER, SIR WILLIAM BYLES, M.P., SIR GEORGE T. GOLDIE, SIR JOHN KENNAWAY, SIR COLIN S. MONCRIEff, Sir ALFRED PEASE, SIR JOSEPH COMPTON RICKETT, SIR JAMES RECKITT, SIR HENRY AND LADY ELIZABETH BABINGTON SMITH, SIR ALBERT SPICER, M.P., SIR MARK STEWART, LT.-COL. SIR ROBERT WILLIAMS, M.P., ARCHDEACON B. POTTER, W. A. ALBRIGHT, MRS. C. E. ALEXANDER, REV. CYRIL C. B. BARDSLEY, J. R. BARLOW, F. A. BEVAN, E. W. BROOKS, THE MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, CEPHAS BUTLER, A. F. BUXTON, CHARLES RODEN BUXTON, E. N. BUXTON, LELAND BUXTON, TRAVERS BUXTON, GEORGE CADBURY, MR. AND MRS. JOEL CADBURY, W. A. CADBURY, W. S. CLARK, MAURICE S. EVANS, DR. R. W. FELKIN, FRANCIS WM. Fox, REV. R. C. GILLIE, W. B. GIBBINS, G. P. GOOCH, MRS. J. R. GREEN, HENRY GURNEY, MRS. R. GURNEY, CORNELIUS HANBURY, CAPT. H. B. HARRIS, W. CECIL HARRIS, T. E. HARVEY, M.P., MRS. B. R. HAWKER, R. C. HAWKIN, MRS. JOHN HOLT, ANDREW JOHNSTON, W. LAMPLOUGH, REV. C. E. C. LEFROY, MRS. KING LEWIS, A. H. LORING, REV. F. B. MEYER, P. A. MOLTENO, M.P., W. CAREY MORGAN, H. J. OGDEN, A. W. OKE, HON. S. H. PEARSE, THE MASTER OF POLWARTH, and the HON. MRS. SCOTT, FRANCIS RECKITT, ARNOLD S. ROWNTREE, M.P., JOSEPH ROWNTREE, EUGENE STOCK, MRS. SAUL SOLOMON, F. SWANZY, MRS. THOMASSON, HON. J. J. THOMAS, DR. RANDLE (LAGOS), THE ALAKE OF ABEOKUTA.

THE LATE SIR T. F. BUXTON.

It is interesting to note the appreciation of the life and character of our late President expressed in a recent editorial in a West African newspaper, The Times of Nigeria:

"We shall be guilty of gross remissness of duty if we omit to pay our homage, and lay our tribute of affection as a grateful offering, at the grave of the illustrious personage who has just passed away in the person of Sir THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON. . . . The race as a whole can hardly realize the loss which we have sustained by his death. But those who, like ourself, have had the privilege and the exceptional opportunity of having been admitted to his presence, of meeting him in the committee-room, and of seeing him at his home in Essex, know exactly what his death means to our race. Our memory recalls to us with vivid freshness his vigorous and heart-stirring address, delivered as President of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society of London at the Special Committee of the Society, which assembled at the Westminster Palace Hotel on June 2, 1913, to receive and welcome the Southern Nigeria deputation that went to London, under the auspices of the Society, to the West Africa Lands Committee sitting in London, on the Land Tenure system Southern Nigeria. The eloquence of his words . . . cheering the deputation with buoyant hopes of success in their mission, is still ringing in our ears. When he

received and entertained the deputation at Warlies . . . the freedom, the familiarity and the homeliness of his conversation made every member of the deputation feel completely at home. He mingled freely among them with a condescension which not only bespoke his high breeding, but exemplified in the most practical manner the depth of the sincerity and the earnestness of the interest which, following in the footsteps of his fathers, he had always taken for the uplifting and progress of that portion of the human race to which we belong. This is the life story which the great founder of the house has handed down to succeeding generations of his posterity for their observance and which constitute the traditions of the BUXTON family. The subject of our article is succeeded by his son, Sir THOMAS FOWELL VICTOR BUXTON. The mantle of his fathers has fallen upon him. We pray that a double portion of their spirit may also fall and rest upon him."

New Vice-President.

WE are glad to be able to announce that Lady Victoria Buxton, the widow of our late President, has accepted the position of a Vice-President of our Society.

The Late Booker T. Washington.

In a letter from the Tuskegee Institute, acknowledging the resolution of the Committee of our Society and expressing appreciation of its message, Mr. Emmett J. Scott, the Secretary, wrote:

“Dr. Washington literally wore himself out in the service of humanity, and the lesson of his life is the most enduring monument which he could have left behind to encourage and inspire those who come after him.”

At the funeral and memorial services a number of well-known public men gave expression to their sense of the greatness of Booker Washington's character and the value of his achievement. Among them was ex-President Roosevelt, who in the course of a striking address spoke of the combination in him of many rare qualities, and said:

"I owe him much. I know of many people who owe him much. He was one of the men to whose counsel and guidance I frequently turned when I was President of the United States. He was one of the men whom I summoned to aid me by his wisdom-a wisdom guided by moral purpose accompanied with extraordinary sanity of judgment. I turned to him, as I turned to only a limited number of other men for advice, when I was President, because I knew that never would he give me one word of advice with any selfish purpose of benefit to himself, that he would never give me any advice save what the exercise of his best judgment deemed would be best, not only for the people of his race, but for the people of all races." The new Head of the Tuskegee Institute, unanimously appointed to succeed Dr. Washington, is Major Robert R. Moton, who has done valuable service as Commandant of Cadets at the Hampton Institute, and chief assistant to the President, in bringing that institution to its present state of efficiency.

Review.

THE GERMANS AND AFRICA.1

BY EVANS LEWIN.

VIEWED in the light of the Great War, German dealings with Africa assume a new colour and a sinister significance.

It is deplorable to reflect that the Powers, who ought to be the leaders of civilization, instead of joining hands for the development of the resources of Africa, the suppression of its wrongs and the protection of its peoples, should have been chiefly occupied during the last thirty years in the scramble for territorial advantage and often the outwitting of other Powers-not to mention the introduction in some cases of new forms of slavery in the forcible exploitation of the labour and land of the African peoples. It is a sorry picture, and one to the bitter irony of which custom has too much blinded us. Probably no Power can show an entirely clean record, but we think it is generally true to state, as Earl Grey does in the preface to this book, that "Great Britain has acquired colonies either in order to protect ill-treated natives and to substitute peace, law, order and prosperity for tyranny, bloodshed, famine and war, or for legitimate purposes of trade."

The colonizing aims of Germany have been widely different, and this book is a record of her African policy, of her deep-laid schemes and her far-reaching aims, which undoubtedly have been far too little noticed or understood in this country. The author traces the beginnings of the Colonial movement in Germany and shows how the desire for Colonies and expansion began to take definite shape after the achievement of German unity in 1871. The wide influence of the historian Von Treitschke, with his intense hatred of England, also did much to rush Germany into Colonial enterprises." The present Kaiser regarded colonies as "diplomatic assets to be used in the furtherance of a world policy . . . and as levers with which to secure for Germany the position she requires." Mr. Lewin regards it as absolutely certain that the Germans had a great and far-reaching plan of absorption of the territories of other nations and that Germanism aimed at dominating central Africa.

In successive chapters he deals with German action in South Africa, in South-West, and West Africa, and then turns to the Berlin Conference, to her colonizing designs in East Africa and the Anglo-German agreement of 1890. Two chapters are devoted to the profound significance of her policy in the Congo and Morocco.

Some of Germany's earliest plans were laid in South Africa, where the only British statesman who appears to have grasped the meaning of her policy was Sir Bartle Frere, who directed the attention of his Government

1 Cassell & Co.

MOOYER W
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ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER AND ABORIGINES' FRIEND.

to the subject.

Lord Odo Russell, on the other hand, then British Ambassador at Berlin, unfortunately assured the Foreign Office that the Germans had no inclination to acquire distant colonies.

In 1883, the occupation by Germany of Angra Pequena, through the dilatoriness of Downing Street and the inexplicable indifference of the Cape Ministers to the importance of the issues, excited considerable enthusiasm in that country, and led to the scramble for territory, known as the "Partition of Africa."

German Colonial policy has, as Lord Grey points out in his preface, always been accentuated by military considerations, and her aim has been to acquire strategical points for future conquest. Little wonder then that the methods they have adopted in their dealings with the native races have been singularly unfortunate and have produced deep-seated resentment. German Colonial officials have misunderstood the force of native sentiment, and unlike Britons, who in their long experience have developed a tradition of duty towards native races, have miserably failed to understand or conciliate the natives.

The most striking example of the failure of German native administration is seen in South-West Africa, where the rebellion of the Herreros in 1994 was so ruthlessly put down that the natives were practically exterminated or driven into the desert fastnesses, at an enormous cost. General Botha, in speaking recently of the success of the Union Forces in German South-West Africa, said that the Herreros and other natives looked upon the advent of the Union troops as a deliverance, and that to-day they look to the Union for protection.

In the Kamerun colony also there have been incessant native revolts involving no less than twenty-nine punitive expeditions between 1891 and 1903, while a similar state of things existed in German East Africa. But this ruthless policy has not justified itself by its results.

Another cause of the failure of German administration has lain in the class of officials sent out. The author of The Evolution of Modern Germany is quoted as saying that while great crimes have been committed by high officials, "the entire record makes a terrible story of obliquity and moral deterioration."

Mr. Lewin admits that of late years there has been a change in the German attitude to the natives, largely owing to the reforming energy of Herr Dernburg, who introduced a new spirit into official dealings with the Colonies. There has been, especially in East Africa, a great effort to introduce native education, and the foundation of a good educational system has been effectively laid.

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