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Sir WILLIAM BYLES, M.P., pointed out that the Committee had no intention of handing over questions relating to the natives of South America to be dealt with exclusively by the new body in the United States. But they believed such an organization was needed to focus public opinion in America, and were convinced that much good would result from the co-operation of the two Societies.

Mr. STOKER, K.C., referred to the recent changes in the judicial system of Nigeria, and said that he had preferred to retire from the Bench rather than take office under the new system. The natives were not allowed to be represented by counsel in the Provincial Courts, which are presided over by executive officers. All thinking people must regret that this set-back to a condition of things resembling the barbarous ages had been sanctioned. The Society had done what they could, by way of protest, but without avail. He was glad that he had been allowed to publish two articles in the Society's journal on the subject.

Native Rights to Land in Rhodesia.

COUNSEL for the parties concerned in this case before the Privy Council relating to the ownership of lands in Southern Rhodesia, viz., the Crown, the Chartered Company, the Legislative Council of Rhodesia, and the Natives, attended on May 19 for directions upon the procedure in the hearing of the case.

The Judges present were the late Lord Chancellor, Lord Dunedin and Lord Atkinson.

Mr. DUKE, K.C. (for the Legislative Council), raised the question of procedure.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said that his recollection of the previous arrangement was that each of the parties was to define his case, and that there should then be a reply.

Mr. DUKE said that it was fully recognized that Sir Robert Finlay in the first instance should indicate what his case was.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said that Sir Robert Finlay apparently accepted that proposal.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY said that, under the order their Lordships made, answers had to be found to the three cases alleged by the other parties.

The LORD CHANCELLOR.-We certainly contemplated that your statement would be short.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY replied that he was afraid, from the nature of

the case, that the document would be a long one. to avoid going into detail.

It would not be possible

The LORD CHANCELLOR thought that it would be most convenient if the parties knew from Sir Robert Finlay what case they had to answer. Unless, at this stage, such information were given, the only result would be delay.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY.-I do not think the case admits of being put into a small compass. We did not, at any rate, contemplate going into great detail in the first instance. We could get in our answer to the cases and go into detail afterwards.

The LORD CHANCELLOR.-My intention at the earlier hearing was that you should do it shortly.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY.-We will endeavour to meet your Lordship's wishes, and will try to get a summary.

Mr. DUKE hoped that the promised "summary" would fully disclose what documentary and other evidence was relied upon.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY.-I do not understand that anything the Lord Chancellor has said gives Mr. Duke the liberty to postpone his answer.

The LORD CHANCELLOR.-He must postpone any answer to your case until he knows what it is.

Mr. DUKE, in reply to the Lord Chancellor, said that he had delivered his case.

The LORD CHANCELLOR.-Sir Robert now says he is going to put in a very full statement-that disposes of the question between you and him.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL (for the Crown) said that what he understood was that Sir Robert Finlay was going to give some general particulars. Apparently he proposed to give fuller details in his answer to the cases. SIR ROBERT FINLAY.-Sufficiently full to let Mr. Duke know what he has to meet.

The LORD CHANCELLOR.-We want a case explicit enough on your part, Sir Robert, to inform the Crown what it has to meet-also Mr. Duke and Mr. Scott.

SIR ROBERT FINLAY.-Not necessarily at this stage to put in complete details?

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL.-The Crown must know in sufficient detail the character of the acts alleged; we ought to know whether they bind the Crown. If Sir Robert is going to reserve all that for his reply—as we

think he is we shall be in the position of having something that we cannot deal with.

The LORD CHANCELLOR pointed out that that would lead to delay.

Mr. LESLIE SCOTT (for the Natives) urged that all the parties ought to have the fullest information regarding the Chartered Company's case.

The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he thought it was now fully understood that Sir Robert Finlay intended to furnish those details.

Review.

THE SOUTH AFRICAN SCENE.1

BY VIOLET R. MARKHAM.

WE call attention to this volume now primarily because through the complexity of the British Constitution a great struggle has been forced upon us, the results of which will affect vitally every native tribe in South Africa --and a trifle more remotely native races throughout British Dominions. In The South African Scene Miss Markham devotes considerable space to a discussion of native problems in a manner which must command not only the attention but the gratitude of all those who regard native interests of paramount importance.

Those who have come into touch with the great Bantu race of Africa will agree with Miss Markham that :

"The Bantu peoples are strong and virile; unlike Maories, Indians, or the primitive inhabitants of Australia, they have not disappeared before the encroaching touch of European conquerors. British rule, which has checked the old ravages of war, pestilence, and famine, has ensured conditions of peace and protection under which the numbers of the black race tend to increase more rapidly than those of the whites."

Miss Markham draws attention to the passionate desire of the natives for education, which she tells us quite truly is found from the Cape to the Zambesi, and we might add to the banks of the White Nile in the North and right away to the Atlantic seaboard on the West; but the same obstinate prejudice and fatal arguments are advanced by many whites in South Africa as in Nigeria and the Gold Coast, East Africa and Uganda. Miss Markham says of this attitude :

"The desire of the native races in South Africa for self-improvement is one which in the long run can only prove of benefit to the country and a steadying influence on its development. Two courses are open in this matter to the Europeans. They may set their faces against the native

1 Smith, Elder & Co.

desire for education and discourage such aspirations in every possible way. That attitude is doomed to failure. On the lowest grounds it is a foolish course to follow, since it cannot be pursued with any reasonable hopes of a satisfactory issue. The native is bent on education, and will get it at any cost-get it in bad, inferior forms from his own semi-savage brothers or from American negroes if the white man holds aloof. Such an attitude leads to the explosion of the powder mine with a fuse of special violence. Or the white man may take a higher and better view of his responsibilities, may take hold of this great movement and give to it the best of his own proud heritage, thus guiding into wise and fruitful paths a force which, unguided and unhelped by him, must work havoc in the land."

The land question in South Africa finds Miss Markham standing with all those who, putting on one side prejudice and taking into account the complex situation of South Africa, have studied native conditions and the proposed legislation of General Botha :

"It is difficult," she says, I not to feel considerable misgivings as to the result of this legislation, put forward though it is ostensibly on behalf of both races. Theoretically the definition of separate areas for settlement is not undesirable, but practically everything will depend on the spirit in which such a re-arrangement of land tenure is made."

Exactly! The recent land legislation coupled with the formal declaration of policy in Mr. Secretary Dower's letter possesses all the elements of a permanent settlement providing this legislation is carried out loyally in the letter and the spirit. It is just here that a vigilant, well-informed and influential public opinion can operate to the eternal well-being of the native. tribes. Miss Markham points out that this policy leads to a form of segregation, and asks what is meant by "general segregation"? Those segregationists who are moved by genuine interest in the natives point to Basutoland and say, "Dot South Africa with Basutolands and your labour and native difficulties will largely disappear." We gather Miss Markham would herself subscribe to this policy.

RHODESIA.

We might fill the present organ of the Society with comments upon this admirable book and quotations of quite exceptional value upon native questions, but space will only permit of reference to one subject where we cannot altogether follow the writer of The South African Scene. It is perhaps somewhat unfair to analyse too critically the few pages in the close of the book which deal with Southern Rhodesia. Miss Markham refers to the conflict in that territory as reminding her irresistibly of Much Ado about Nothing. We are precluded at the moment from entering into any considerable detail, but that Much Ado about Nothing is likely to go to the very foundations of the Empire, whilst the issues of the struggle will reverberate for all time through every possession under the British Crown.

Miss Markham tells us that between the Limpopo and the Zambesi "amazing things were done." Indeed, yes! and are being done-so amazing in point of fact that even now statesmen, financiers and publicists can scarce believe the black and white. Questions are being asked for which there is as yet no answer, but answer by God's help there shall be, and when those answers come none will more readily stand for justice to all parties than the writer of The South African Scene.

Miss Markham tells us that some 24,000 white men are provided with most of the amenities of life." Yet the cost of these amenities is such that artisans with incomes of £300 to £400 per annum cannot keep out of debt, and as Government evidence shows, one said he had "never yet been able to afford a slice of bacon and an egg for breakfast."

One hears very often in Rhodesia the statement repeated in The South African Scene that but for the Chartered Company the territories between the Limpopo and the Zambesi would have passed under foreign rule. This is a very large assumption, ignoring surely British treaty agreements with Lobengula, the Dawson group and other Britishers in Matabeleland long before Rochfort Maguire hurried there and then back again to London with his scrap of paper, and Matabele Thompson was placed under arrest. It cannot be too firmly insisted that much which has been generally accepted as historic fact cannot now stand critical examination.

Miss Markham tells her readers that in 1907, and subsequently, representative directors have visited the country in order to discuss certain questions, and that this has been mutually advantageous. Beyond question, these discussions have thrown light upon obscure issues, but the printed report of those conferences should be carefully filed. Already the reading of these accounts is proving not only an interesting but amusing recreation! Miss Markham sees quite rightly what only a few have yet realized, namely, that the alleged ownership of land and the alleged administrative deficit are bound up together-bound together, that is, in the opinion of the Chartered Company directors; but supposing there is not and never was any ownership of land, supposing there is no administrative deficit? Another curious passage reads as follows:

"A definite division, therefore, is demanded of assets which come to the Company as a government, and those which it earns as a commercial undertaking, so that the one should not benefit at the expense of the other. Here again the Company has made concessions. The revenue on the two sides is to be separated henceforth as far as practicable, and the Company is to pay taxes from its commercial branch in future as any other trading body in the country would do. In the light of these concessions, therefore, the whole question of the political stocktaking in 1914 assumes a somewhat different aspect."

But this is no "concession" at all. It is an integral part of the agreement

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