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The President, Sir T. FOWELL BUXTON, in opening the conference, said that we could not but recognize that for past centuries Europe, as a whole, had often behaved in a violent and cruel way towards weaker nations, and it might be that the cloud now hanging over Europe and many other parts of the world also should be regarded as in the nature of a judgment for the sins of the past. The events of the last nine months had gone far to prove that the policy of the Society had been, in the strictest sense, profitable to the country. The Society claimed no monopoly of the sentiments of righteous and merciful dealing with weaker races; it was recognized that these sentiments were those of most of our fellow-countrymen and of our Government. So far as was possible, the Society desired to support and help the Government even though it might not do exactly what we asked for and hoped from it. It was a principle with the Society that, if it wanted a thing done by a Foreign Government or the Government of one of our Colonies, we should, if possible, approach that Government through the inhabitants of the country or colony. This was why he attached much value to the establishment of a Society in the United States which had during the last year been set on foot by the efforts of Sir Harry Johnston, whom he also thanked cordially for his warm support of the Society at the Royal Geographical Society and on other occasions, as well as for his presence there that afternoon.

The same remarks applied to the new Association in Cape Colony, and the Committees which had been established in other parts of South Africa with the assistance of Mr. John Harris on his recent visit. It was much better that we should leave it to those who were in sympathy with our Society in those countries to deal with their Government, rather than attempt to do so entirely from here.

The President emphasized the private character of the conference, and cordially invited suggestions and criticism. The financial year had ended with a considerable deficit, but he was glad to be able to announce that that deficit had now been wiped out, and, in addition, they had reason for special gratitude to an anonymous friend who had recently sent a generous donation to the Society's funds. The President then called upon the Secretaries to speak.

Mr. TRAVERS BUXTON drew attention to some points in the Annual Report. While the war had temporarily arrested the public work of the Society, they had by no means been condemned to inactivity; still less was there any thought of letting the questions in which they were interested drop. On the Portuguese Slavery Question the Committee had not felt it fair to embarrass the Government by pressing for information and urging action which it knew could not be taken during the war, but, after the war, the Society would at once take up the question with renewed energy and with even better hopes of success. It was the same with other questions

such as that of the New Hebrides; they were only in abeyance. During that year of stress the Society had taken up a great question which was of far-reaching importance, and which some people thought was the greatest it had ever faced, that of native rights to land in Rhodesia. It was impossible to say much publicly upon the case, because it was sub judice. After all, the greater part of the Society's work was quiet work done in the background, which could not be publicly known or blazoned abroad.

The announcement made by Sir Edward Grey last year that the Government intended to appoint a Consul-General for Portuguese West Africa might be regarded as a triumph for the Society, as it was a policy which they had urged, believing that the presence of British officers keeping an eye on the whole labour situation in the islands and mainland would ultimately lead to the solution of that difficult question. The putting forward of this policy had involved prolonged representations, interviews and correspondence, and deputations to Sir Edward Grey, the whole forming a silent activity which, from the nature of the case, only those closely concerned with the Society could know or appreciate. That was only one instance; many others would occur to members of the Committee.

There had been an undoubted growth of interest in the Society's work during the last few years. The amalgamation of the two Societies in 1909 had assuredly been justified by the results and the area of those interested in the Society's work had been greatly widened. This was, in large measure, due to the untiring energy and resourcefulness of Mr. Harris, and his dogged persistency in forwarding the Society's interests. The Committee was by no means composed of people of one set of opinions, but of men and women of varied interests, of wide sympathies, and of ripe experience. The growth of interest was not confined to this country. In South Africa the visit of the Organizing Secretaries had done much to remove prejudice and to bring about a better understanding and a truer appreciation of the Society's aims and character. He attached much importance to the formation of the new organization in America to take up Native Race questions. In this and other respects it had been possible to take several forward steps during the past year, notwithstanding the war.

Rev. J. H. HARRIS said that there were two directions in which the work of the Society needed strengthening-the financial side and its work in the House of Commons. The financial position of the Society showed a substantial improvement since 1909, in spite of the fact that some of their most generous supporters had passed away. Even so, however, they could not rest satisfied until the normal income of the Society equalled its normal expenditure. He was told this was an ideal seldom attained by any philanthropic society, but they intended by the help of their friends to reach that ideal; until then they would be compelled to make annual appeals to cover the deficit,

One small difficulty in approaching possible new subscribers lay in the length of the Society's name and address. More than one friend had been heard to remark that the labour involved in writing the Society's name on a cheque and then on the envelope was sufficient to deter one becoming a subscriber to it. It would be interesting to know whether this had been the experience of any other members of the Society. A new criticism had been brought to their notice for the first time when meeting the public men in South Africa, who appeared to feel considerable resentment that representatives of an Anti-Slavery Society should be visiting and inquiring into conditions in South Africa. As they pointed out, slavery had long ago been legally abolished in the British Dominions, and it flavoured somewhat of an aspersion on the Administration that they should be there at all. Even a full explanation did not altogether remove the unpleasant impression. The Indian community too, although extending them warm-hearted hospitality, seemed to think the Society's name hardly justified inquiries into the disabilities to which these law-abiding British subjects are so constantly exposed.

The other direction in which they must make greater headway was in the House of Commons. They were very fortunate in possessing a large number of friends amongst all parties who take an interest in native races, but they did not yet possess a group of members who take a deep, passionate and well-informed interest in our subjects such as was found in such cases as the promotion of temperance on the one hand, the reform of labour conditions at home, or in the protection of certain vested interests. This matter had been discussed with Members of Parliament, representatives of the Press and public men, and one reason invariably given was that the Society's offices were so far from the control of the Party Whip that under modern conditions members hesitated to spare the time involved in visiting the offices to discuss any given question; out of a Parliamentary Committee of nearly seventy members not ten had ever been inside the offices, whilst not more than five had visited us more than once. Another reason given was that other interests "assist " members to obtain a place in the House of Commons. This would probably be a doubtful policy upon which to embark, but there was no little force in the criticism of the distance of the Society's offices from Parliament. If among members and friends of the Society the opinion were strongly held that by moving the offices of the Society nearer to the House of Commons, it would make for greater efficiency in this direction, then no doubt the Committee would give the most careful consideration to this particular question.

They were entering now upon what would probably prove to be the greatest struggle in the history of the Society. Ranged against them were powerful forces controlling highly placed influences, and supported with large financial resources. The issues at stake were, on the one side, millions

of money and, on the other, a great stride forward in Imperial progress and the welfare of the native races of the Empire. Given efficiency, patience and wise leadership, victory was certain, but to secure that victory it was vital that before the full force of this great conflict burst upon them, the machinery of the Society should be put into perfect order, and for that and other reasons they invited criticism and advice.

Sir HARRY H. JOHNSTON then moved that the Annual Report for 1914 should be adopted and circulated, and that the Committee and Officers should be re-elected for the ensuing year.

He began by saying that he thoroughly agreed with the practical remarks uttered by the three preceding speakers. He also agreed with Mr. Harris that the name of the Society mattered very considerably; brevity was desirable both for great business houses and for societies that were to leave their mark. He suggested the name of "Aborigines Protection Society," and gave reasons for thinking that the word "Slavery" should be dropped.

We should endeavour to get members of the scientific world to interest themselves in the Society. If we could prove from how many different points of view it was necessary to protect native races we should be much stronger, wealthier, and more powerful for good. On his recent visit to the United States he found the Americans were a thoroughly practical people, but was surprised in New York to find that he was plunged into a train of thought for which he was not prepared, an emotional religious phase. So in one city he had placed at his disposal two trained choirs of male and female voices! Mr. Herbert Johnson, of Boston, had backed up his efforts with great success, and made it possible to discuss the Native Race question from the scientific and anthropological point of view. That was their reason for selecting Dr. Stanley Hall as president of the new Association, a position which he accepted on the understanding that the work must be based on scientific lines, as far as possible eschewing sentiment. But this was one of the cases where sentiment and practical politics ran together. The bulk of those who have worked in the field, whether as missionaries or administrators, had recognized the appeal of sentiment.

We had also got to show how terribly we should lose in efficiency if we cannot get the idea firmly rooted that all races of mankind must be equal, or at least must have equal opportunities. Mr. Roosevelt had himself pointed out emphatically in his last book how much civilization had lost by not using the sixteen million Amerindians of the American Continent. Sir H. Johnston said that if he could get a millionaire to devote £100,000 to endow two Societies he would suggest one-half being given to the Royal Anthropological Institute and the other half to the Aborigines Protection Society for the help of native races. The Aborigines Protection Society

was founded to see what could be done to save the aborigines of Australia from extermination; it was terrible to think how many tribes had been completely wiped out by the efforts of the white man to grab all the world's wealth.

He hoped that we should do our utmost to interest people of all shades of thought and all types of religion in the Society, shewing them that it is absolutely wrong to maltreat those who cannot speak for themselves, people who have no way of making known their grievances except through us. There was much work to be done in the British Empire and in other parts of the world too, but we must let public opinion know the work which we are trying to do. There was no wrong which came to our knowledge which we should not try, directly or indirectly, to set right.

In moving the resolution, Sir H. Johnston said that never did any men accomplish so much good work for so little money. The resolution was seconded by the Rev. R. WARDLAW THOMPSON, D.D., of the London Missionary Society, and carried unanimously. The meeting was then thrown. open for a general conference.

Mr. WILLIAM NOBLE said that he had been interested in Anti-Slavery questions for forty years, and hoped that the Society would not drop the words "Anti-Slavery" from its name, as he was convinced many people had no idea that any slavery still existed. He hoped that advantage would be taken in the summer of garden meetings to make known the Society's work.

Mr. WYNDHAM A. BEWES said that he agreed that the name of the Society offered ground for criticism. He expressed the hope that the formation of a new organization for the protection of aborigines in America did not mean that the British Society intended to hand over its functions in any way to the new Association in the United States. Great Britain had far greater interests in and far more influence with South America than had the United States.

Rev. C. E. C. LEFROY said he thought that most people who knew the name of the Society believed that it was much more widely supported than it really was, and he thought an effort should be made to make the admirable work of the Society, which was really extraordinary considering its resources, more widely known, and extend its membership.

Mr. J. G. ALEXANDER, as one who had been a member of the Committee of the Anti-Slavery Society for a very long time, wished to emphasize the steady and valuable work which Mr. Buxton as Secretary had done for many years, and expressed the opinion that the Society was fortunate in its two Secretaries.

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