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The Anti-Slavery Society of Italy.

THE Society has received from its sister association in Italy an extremely sympathetic communication, expressing its profound regret at the serious interruption which the War has caused to work for native races, and its earnest desire for peace.

A translation of the letter addressed to the President and his colleagues of the British Anti-Slavery Society follows:

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The mournful circumstances of the moment are paralysing everything, energy, zeal, and power of work, and disseminating grief and death through the fair countries of Europe. Thereby the struggle against slavery is partially, at least, also thwarted, living as it does by activity and peace, like every other form of charitable enterprise. The fearful spectre of war, whose aspect is that of destruction and desolation, riveting our attention on the agonies of numberless brethren of our white race, compels us, against our will, if not to forget, at least to limit, our fellow-feeling towards the poor blacks, who crave so much our assistance from their African home. At a time of such bitter misfortune the feeling of solidarity existing between the Anti-Slavery Association of Italy and its esteemed sister-associations in other countries impels us to turn our thoughts to the honoured Society presided over by you, in order to offer you our brotherly salutation in our common sorrow, and to request news of you and of the noble institution of which you are the head. May the generous sympathy, which is the AntiSlavery Societies' spring of action, develop in us the courage and resolution needful to face these hours of trial, and rouse in our breasts the urgent desire for the peace that may again render life humane, prosperous and consonant with evangelical precepts. . . .

"With regard to anti-slavery work, the war diminishes the number of missionaries, thins the ranks of the men of energy, dries the sources of life's activities, and brings tears to the eyes of the denizens of the dark continent, who ardently wish to see the terrible chains of slavery broken. May the peace we so long for promptly be realized! We can hasten its conclusion by means of prayer, good counsel and Christian sacrifice. May it also come in order to act as a reassuring example to the unhappy blacks, who will be ever the more in doubt of our humanitarian tendencies when they see us armed the one against the other.”

The letter, which closes with cordial greetings, is signed by Comm. Filippo Tolli, President-General of the Italian Society, and its General Secretary, Comm. A. Simonetti..

Review.

KING'S COLLEGE LECTURES ON COLONIAL PROBLEMS 1

THIS is a volume of lectures delivered at King's College by high authorities on questions affecting the Empire as a whole, and different parts of it. The lectures were arranged by the University of London as a contribution

1 G. Bell & Sons.

HOOTER WAR

to the prosecution of "imperial studies" and, as such, they stimulate thought and are of high value.

One of the most important subjects is that taken up by Mr. Sidney Low in the last lecture on " The Problem of an Imperial Executive," which includes the question thus stated by Dr. T. J. Lawrence in the first lecture: "How to combine the self-governing nationhood of the Dominions with the unity of the Empire in the great sphere of external international affairs.” Mr. Low, dealing with the proposals and efforts which have been made for Imperial Federation, arrives at the conclusion that colonial opinion is not yet ripe for the full carrying out of a federal system, and that Federalism is" for the future"; but he points out that "two real forms of imperial activity and advice exist in the Committee of Imperial Defence and the Imperial Conference." But a permanent central body is needed not only to deliberate but to take action on matters in the Imperial realm, and both Mr. Low and Dr. Lawrence suggest the appointment of Imperial Ministers, who will ultimately be separate persons from the British Ministers of the Crown and will form an Empire Cabinet. Both lecturers emphasize the importance of such a common body for the works of peace as well as that of war, and Dr. Lawrence ventures on the prophecy, especially interesting in view of the world-shaking events which have happened since it was made, and Germany's gross miscalculation of the attitude of our over-sea Dominions, that if it existed, war would become more difficult, for “a conflict with the concentrated resources of the whole Empire would be so tremendous that few foreign powers would ever enter into it," and the happy result would be a reduction of the burden of great armaments and the hastening of the time when "the sword shall no longer be drawn among the nations save to repel outrageous aggression or remedy intolerable wrong."

Sir Charles Lucas in an illuminating lecture traces some of the incalculably important effects which the great discoveries of science, such as printing, steam-power, electricity, medical and sanitary science and motor traction have had in welding together the Empire. But he points out that, by removing distance, science has created new problems, e.g., that of holding together diverse peoples. The colour problem he holds to be "the most difficult and the most dangerous of all the problems of the British Empire." Science, however, like religion, takes no count of colour or race, and as science requires more influence in the leading and fashioning of thought, colour prejudice, as such, should diminish. Sir C. Lucas, bearing in mind the effect of democracy, looks forward to

"a future of the Empire in which there will be different groups of races, forming in the main large units, all on an equal level, not aiming at fusion but agreeing to differ, and yet none the less common citizens under one sovereign, sitting side by side in an Empire Parliament, as French and English in Canada, Dutch and English in South Africa, and, most notable

analogy of all, Maories and English in New Zealand. Colour is a bar to fusion, but it is also a bar to confusion, and may well be a promoter of harmony."

There is little direct reference in the lectures to labour questions, except in Sir Everard im Thurn's account of native land and labour in the South Seas, but in several places matters relating to native labour are touched upon. The vexed problem of Asiatic immigration into our colonies is stated in an uncompromising form from the Australian point of view by Sir John Cockburn. Mr. Sidney Low is convinced of the gravity of the question, the existence and difficulty of which is suggested as one of the reasons for having an Imperial Ministry which should discuss and consider such problems in the light of common knowledge and under the sense of a common responsibility.

The same writer has an interesting passage on the share in control which should fall to the great native populations of the Dependencies. It is true he considers that

"for many years to come the tropical and sub-tropical peoples must be content, in their own interests much more than ours, to live under that benevolent and carefully tempered despotism which has rescued them from anarchy and maintained them in peace and security."

But he does not believe their subjection will be a permanent condition; on the contrary, he writes:

"I am convinced that some polity will eventually shape itself which will give to the peoples of India, with their acute intelligence, their capacity for culture and progress, their well-developed civilization older than our own, some effective voice not only in the governance of India but in the governance of the Empire. I even hope that it may be found possible to grant similar opportunities in some measure to a portion at least of our African fellow-subjects."

THE BLACK PERIL.

BY GEORGE WEBB HARDY.1

THIS book raises in the form of a story that most difficult side of the native problem which concerns the sex relations between blacks and whites.

So important and yet so difficult," the author writes, "is a subject like the Black Peril to the delicate susceptibilities of even broad-minded people, brought up as English men and women are."

The problem is treated so frankly as to make painful reading, but that is not to say that such frank discussion of the question may not be necessary, if it is to be properly met and dealt with; the writer insists on the danger and folly of the common policy of ignoring and avoiding it. The hero of the story is a journalist who starts a new paper in an African 1 London: Holden & Hardingham.

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COLLECTION

ANTI-SLAVERY REPORTER AND ABORIGINES' FRIEND.

colony in which he speaks out fearlessly on native questions, boldly taking up an attitude of independent criticism of the powers that be of the colony, by which he incurs the hostility and dislike of the official and unofficial members of the community. He feels that the "black peril" cannot be ignored, and that the fault is not all on one side; that white women are not without blame in the matter, indirectly and, in a small number of cases, in a more direct manner :

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Raymond therefore came to the conclusion that, damnable as were the outrages that occasionally shook the country, the black man was not always at fault. It was a shameful thing to have to confess, but in the interests of truth he had to admit it. And why, he asked, this being the case, should the ignorant uncivilized native bear all the reproach? After all, he was a raw, uncouth, illiterate man in a country that was ruled by representatives of the greatest civilization the world had ever seen. In these circumstances, who might be fairly expected to have reached the highest plane of Christian morality? The question, to Raymond's mind, answered itself."

Association with a leading man of the colony, possessing experience of and sympathy with the natives, leads him to some extent to modify his views on the general native question, though he rejects the policy of complete segregation as an impracticable one, and he comes to believe that social equality between the races is an impossibility, while still pleading for the political equality of educated coloured men with whites:

"He did believe that it was for statesmen to find some way in which whites and blacks could live together as members of the same community, interested in the same things, striving for the welfare of their country with equal chances and equal rights, and yet apart as the poles on questions of marriage and the relations of the sexes. . . . And how was it to be done? Only by a constructive and sympathetic policy, and the prevention of miscegenation."

Eventually he resolves upon "putting one Black Peril case before the public with dramatic realism," and publishes an article calling attention to an outrage on public morals, which ends in his prosecution for indecency and sentence to two months' imprisonment.

The book is vividly written, and while the difficulties of the native problem are not lost sight of, the preconceptions and prejudices of the dominant race are well brought out, and the illogicality of educating a race which is expected at the pleasure of the white man to remain in at condition of permanent subservience while it is expected to do all the hard work of the country, is clearly shown. Since the book was written events have progressed and public recognition of the importance of the question has been shown by the appointment of a special commission to consider the so-called "black peril," which issued its report a year or two ago. Its recommendations are in many respects on similar lines to those proposed in this volume.

President:

SIR THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON, BART., G.C.M.G.

Vice-Presidents:

HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
E. D. MOREL, Esq.

RT. REV. LORD BISHOP OF HEREFORD.
RT. HON. LORD COURTNEY OF PENWITH.

RT. HON. LORD PECKOVER OF WISBECH.
RT. HON. LORD WEARDALE.

RT. HON. JOSEPH A. PEASE, M.P.

T. F. V. BUXTON, Esq.

GEORGE CADBURY, Esq.

SIR H. H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G.

JOHN HOLT, Esq.

THE DOWAGER LADY MONKSWELL.

SIR JOHN MACDONELL, K.C.B.

SIR ALFRED E. PEASE, BART.
FRANCIS RECKITT, Esq.

SIR JAMES RECKITT, BART.
JOSEPH ROWNTREE, Esq.
C. P. SCOTT, Esq.

H. C. STEPHENS, Esq.

J. ST. LOE STRACHEY, Esq.

MRS. J. P. THOMASSON.

H. W. W. WILBERFORCE, Esq., J.P.

Chairman :

HON. JOHN C. LYTTELTON, M.P.

Vice-Chairman :

FRANCIS WILLIAM FOX, Esq.

Treasurers:

SIR COLIN SCOTT MONCRIEFF, K.C.M.G., AND E. WRIGHT BROOKS, Esq., J.P.

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Organising Secretaries: REV. J. H. AND MRS. HARRIS.

Bankers: Messrs. BARCLAY & Co., LTD., 95, Victoria Street, S.W.
Auditors: Messrs. SELLARS, DICKSEE & Co., 43, Copthall Avenue, E.C.

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