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inconsistent with regular government and with the
From the Spectator, of i Sept. established order of things, they beg to assure your
THE CONGRESS OF 1850. lordships, that it is with the view of maintaining regular government, and of perpetuating institu
A CORRESPONDENT of the Times, who writes on tions which, though occasionally modified, have " the common sense of the Hungarian question," had an unbroken series of existence since the foun- throws out a hint that it may be desirable to have dation of the Hungarian monarchy, that they ven- a congress of review or revisal of the treaties of ture to invoke the interference of the British gov- Vienna and Paris,” in a manner that suggests the
He writes with a They have witnessed with great alarm the appli- probability of such a congress. cation of the Austrian government for the assis- weight and concentration of matter that imply mastance of Russia. They conceive that this assistance tery of his subject, not in the style of one hackwill not be granted upon terms consistent with the neyed in journalizing; and his contributions are integrity of the existing dominions of the house of put forth by the Leading Journal with a promAustria. Their alarm, however, is not confined to inency that indicates accredited authority; all this the apprehension that some encroachments may be looks as if he were suggesting what he knows 10 made upon the present boundary between the two
be probable. empires. They apprehend that a powerful intervention on the part of Russia, a state in which the
"A congress of review or revisal of the treaties existence of a constitution is not acknowledged, of Vienna and Paris” is a suggestion which we cannot be effected without danger to the free insti- are bound to approve, inasmuch as it was perhaps tutions of the country in which it is invited to in- first made in our own pages. The step could terfere. They conceive that the military occupa- hardly fail to be useful; the degree of its value tion of Hungary by Russia must be necessarily must depend in a great measure upon the spirit in subversive (for the time) of all regular govern- which it should be undertaken. That it should ment; and they know not what terms affecting the internal condition of the country may be ultimately be entered upon in the spirit of the congress of imposed by a power whose intervention has been 1815 is scarcely possible ; even among the most invited for the express purpose of controlling a courteous and least advanced of diplomatists, the people which is struggling for the preservation of " right divine” would provoke a smile; and in long-established and undisputed rights. The un- the conduct of business the day when an interdersigned conceive that the essential character of national council could limit itself solely to the inRussian intervention must be to disregard rights terests of princes has quite passed. But, of all which the spirit of the government of that empire does not recognize ; and that, if effectual, the inter- politicians, the class which has made least progress vention must lead to the subversion of the ancient is perhaps that of diplomatists; the secrecy with constitution of Hungary, must destroy her pros- which the discussions must be conducted is a great perity, and endanger the security of states in whose screen for excluding the wholesome ventilation of welfare and independence England is deeply inter- public opinion ; and, therefore, everything will ested. It is to avoid this fatal result that the undersigned
rest upon the spirit which prevails among the perfeel impelled to entreat her majesty's government sons selected to assist in such a congress and the to use such means as shall seem to them most effec- drift of their instructions. tual for producing a reconciliation between the Em- Not only should the spirit presiding over the counperor of Austria and the people of Hungary, on cil be different from that of 1815, but to perform the the basis of those rights which the Hungarians allotted task effectually it ought in one respect to have never ceased to demand, and the firmest at- be wholly new. It will not suffice merely to look tachment to which has hitherto been found not only beyond the interests of princes; it will not suffice to be compatible with, but to promote the most fervent loyalty to the house of Hapsburg, and has en- to attempt some compromise between the claims of abled them to render such services in the hour of princes and the rights of peoples ; it will be necesdanger as could never have emanated from the spirit sary to take as the basis of any new settlement the of a subdued or servile people.
actual condition of all parties—the new state of (Signed,) FitzwiLLIAM, F. Mowatt,
knowledge among peoples, the new relations of NorthAMPTON, J. A. Smith,
Europe in respect of commerce and intercourse,
the altered state of European police. The conW. Pinney,
gress of 1815 sat under the conviction that the J. TOWNSEND.
revolution of 1789 had been put down; the conR. M. Milnes.
gress of 1850 will know better ; the revolution
survived the restoration. Steamboats, railroads, The Magyar patriots who left England by the and the increase of population, have made all EuPeninsular and Oriental Company's packet have rope conterminous, and have destroyed the strength arrived at Constantinople ; but have not been per- of frontier-cordons for such nations as will not mitted to disembark, in consequence of the inter- maintain their defences on a war scale. Public ference of the Russian and Austrian ambassadors. opinion has so greatly and permanently changed The meetings which have taken place in England in a large portion of Europe, that states which exin support of the Hungarian ise have produced pect a coöperation in the strict enforcement of a an immense effect in Turkey.- Globe.
political surveillance over revolutionaries will be more and more disappointed. The conduct of
the English officials in excluding the Italian therefore, is a congress for the settlement of Eurefugees from Malta, is rather a disgrace to the rope according to the present understanding of present ministry of England than any true sign of policy and justice. retrograde opinion in this country. The congress The diplomatist in the Times speaks of conof 1850 will have to handle a wholly altered state solidating Austria on the basis of Stadion's fedof affairs—one in which power is no longer con- erative constitution ; and to that end he would cast centrated in governments, in which all operations off Lombardy, because of its utter alienation from are more rapid, and peoples know a vast deal more Austria. But what of Venice? That ancient reof what is done to them. It follows, that such a public he assumes to be divided between hostility council must not only do more than look to the to Austria and a counteracting influence; there is claims of princes—it must also look to something no proof of any such influence. But, he says, beyond mere geographical fittings, by which ter- Venice is “marked out by nature as the comritories have been “given” to this or that prince, mercial emporiuin of Tyrol and Southern Gerthe people as little regarded as the rats in a house many.” What then? If the Venetians are averse that passes from seller to purchaser. Some ac- from Austrian rule, why seize their port as a gift count must be made of the people, their will and to Southern Germany ? why renew the ratification genius.
of Napoleon's shameful betrayal of Venice to AusIn 1850, the inembers of a congress will know tria ? If, indeed, a party does exist in Venice a great deal better than they did in 1815, that no favorable to Austria, or if one favorable to a fed
settlement” of the kind can be final-it will be eral connection can be created, the geographical no ultimate allotment of Europe ; and the duration fitting might not be amiss; but to reännex Venice of any new settlement would be endangered, not to Austria as a conquered province, is to plant in secured, by the presumption that finality would be the consolidated empire the seeds of a new revolt. more possible now than it was then. It is at this An objection has been taken, that England would point that we see the interests of peoples and enter the international council too late, as the inprinces unite. The best and surest mode of ob- tervention would have come much better months taining durability for the new settlement would be, ago; which is indeed too true. But in those days to make such arrangements and combinations as it was only” journalists that foresaw the expeshould promise in their own working a chance of diency of an European Congress; statesmen had continuance.
not yet had the idea sufficiently drummed into The settlement of 1815 has already been so them. However, the mischief of delay is not so completely broken up, that practically the office of bad as it seems, since other parties to the state of the congress of 1850 would be one not of demo- Europe are equally “ too late ;” Austria, which lition but of reconstruction. Some special revis- has tried force, and won by proxy a suicidal vicions have already been effected, and two are par-tory, would have been much wiser to invite a conticularly instructive. The settlement has been gress in 1848; the Pope is an exile from his redisturbed in order to carry out a further partition conquered city ; France has no plan; and the of Poland ; if we may trust the profession of the revolutionists of Europe generally are too late," Russian autocrat, the incessant movements of his because they have suffered their battle to be fought Polish subjects, and their share in the armed out.
Each party may say,
Brothers, we are all movement of Hungary, have forced him into the in the wrong. But, indeed, it is never too late field with an immense army. On the other hand, to settle disorder on the substantial basis of real the disruption of a compulsory union of two states strength and true justice. with very discordant sentiments, Holland and Belgium, has had such a happy influence, that in the midst of the European anarchy, surrounded by revolution and war, both those countries have been This can hardly be said to be an anomalous, or remarkable for quiet. The arrangement of 1830 unusual condition of society in France, or elsehas stood a fiery ordeal which no treaty-guarantees where in Europe, except in degree. Society there have enabled the settlements of 1815 to endure in has been under military protection (if protection it any part of Europe.
can be called) from the time that standing armies A congress had formerly been suggested to settle became the policy of rulers. While Louis Philthe Italian question ; the writer in the Times treats ippe was on the throne, the peace establishment more especially of Hungary and Austria, but in- of France was 400,000 men ; that of Prussia was cidentally alludes to Italy and Germany; Schles- 80,000 ; that of Belgium 45,000 ; and those of wig-Holstein awaits appeal to a competent tribu- the other states about in the same proportion. nal; the professions of Russia invite a formal Ostensibly, these armies were maintained as a recognition of her disclaimer in respect of encroach- preparation for foreign war, but, in reality, to ment; the internal state of France might be very overawe and keep down domestic riot and rebelmaterially and beneficially influenced by such an lion. This, at least, was the more immediate, authoritative expression of the opinions prevalent and not the least important, object of them. They anong the European powers, and the ideas which were distributed through the principal towns, and the leading French statesmen could not fail to especially near the seat of government, in such catch from that inspiration. The thing wanted, I places as they might be needed. In and near
From the Journal of Commerce. THE STATE OF SIEGE.
Paris were stationed 60,000. In Germany, in the funeral of Lafitte, including the police, a hunAustria, in Italy, everywhere in Europe, bayonets dred thousand men bore arms. Battalion after glitter in the streets, as well as on the fortresses battalion, mounted and on foot, in an almost endand ramparts, and you wake and sleep with the less line, and all equipped as if for battle, marched réveille and tattoo. In Italy, and especially in in the procession. Why was this ? To honor Naples, and the Pope's dominions, the soldier at the illustrious dead? To pay respect to the retends you everywhere, and in some of your excur- mains of a distinguished but unmilitary patriot? cons attends you personally. If you travel in the So the government professed. But the people ural districts, you find them scattered along the knew well that that was not the motive. Else, road like milestones ; and since they cannot see why did male spectators redden with indignation, in the dark, you must be sure to reach your inn, and females turn pale, at the sight of so many in some walled town, by nightfall.
swords and muskets, so many cannon, and so The citizens themselves have no idea, general- much unconcealed powder and ball, displayed on ly, that society can be safe without the soldier-- such an occasion as the burial of a popular citjust as they imagine religion cannot exist without izen? the state. Even in England you will be assured, “ But suppose that mobs do occur with us, by men of all parties, that the public peace would are less promptly subdued than with you, be insecure but for the men of arms known to be tinued the American, “which is still the better everywhere at hand. Hence, whatever form the condition of society—that an outbreak happening state assumes, monarchical or republican, the mil- now and then, should be laid by the slower action itary is deemed alike indispensable to its tran- (if slower it be) of the good sense and patriotism quillity.
of a community accustomed to self-government, To an American, this is a strange state of and by a civil police, backed in the last extremity things. And to a European, the absence of mili- only by a citizen soldiery; or that we should live, tary protection with us is not less strange. They like you in Europe, always at the bayonet's point, are amazed at our apparent insecurity ; and are and under the frowning muzzles of great guns? incredulous when we tell them that with us that Suppose we adopt your system. Taking species of protection, as a standing precaution, is your 400,000 as the basis, we, with a population unnecessary.
two thirds as large as yours, should want for our When news reached Paris of the Philadelphia tranquillity some 260,000 soldiers. We call off riot, in May, 1844, the French cited it as a proof that large number of our young men from the of the exposed condition of our citizens. Here is wholesome pursuits of industry, we subject them a mob, said they, of two or three days' continu- to the moral influences of the camp, we fill our ance, because there was no military either to pre- cities and towns with them, and burthen the counvent or promptly put it down. Depend upon it, try with their subsistence and pay ; and now you you will have to resort to our system of an armed say society is secure ! Is this, then, the preferadomestic peace, and that soon, or society will be ble condition ? No; though mobs were by a huncome too lawless, too riotous, to exist.
dred to one more frequent than they are with us, To this an American, then in Paris, replied as we would not adopt the remedy your system profollows :-“Why,” he asked, “ should the fact poses. We do not believe that it would be a of a riot in one of our cities surprise you, since remedy. We are persuaded that your placing human nature is everywhere the same, and every- society thus under military surveillance is the where disorderly? Why regard it as the mere very way to unfit it for tranquillity and order. It result of defective municipal arrangements? Men begets ideas and habits, it breeds vices, imposes there are of like passions with men here, and no hurthens, and engenders discontents, which hithprecautions can wholly prevent their occasional erto have kept, and which ever will keep, you outbreak. There are, however, fewer riots, and from a sound and settled tranquillity. You invite they are less violent and sanguinary with us than riot and rebellion, you provoke disorder, you make
And in those that do occur, it is the the proper instruments, and form and foster the foreigners among us-men that have received proper passions, and furnish the justifying pretheir social training on this side of the water- texts for such scenes, by the very means you take that are commonly most numerous and active in to prevent or suppress them.” them. You have many popular outbreaks ; you These views were urged, with effect, on the live in constant apprehension of them, and some occasion which we have mentioned ; and we are times they continue unchecked for days, malgré happy to see similar reasonings occasionally adyour military. I happen to have been reading on vanced in the National Assembly. In the late the walls of your Pantheon, and on the column in earnest debates on the state of siege, a member your Place Bastile, the names of scores of citizens expressed himself as follows :: -“ This pretended who have fallen by violence in your streets. You military justice, so much talked of, is not concannot have a public celebration of any sort, not formed to the true spirit of society; all these even a royal wedding, or the funeral of a distin- strifes (luttes) which you wish to suppress, are guished man, without an attending military force precisely the result of military abuses, contrary to —not as a pageant merely, but for safety. At human nature, and to all the principles of human
ity. You have habituated men to obey servilely by popular acclamation. When these delusions and to kill their fellows, and can it surprise you were in the height of their evanescent glory, we that these men return to violence ?!!
did not scruple to deny their reality, and to dispute The state of society in Europe is radically the possibility of their accomplishment; but we wrong in many respects, and a standing martial have forborne, from respect to the German nation, police is one of its fundamental mistakes. The to insist upon the complete confirmation of the grand essential to tranquillity is confidence. But opinions we then entertained, by events which confidence cannot be produced by force. On the have since placed them beyond dispute. Nor is contrary, distrust is the natural result of that sort it our intention in any way to augment the sore
And hence it is, that there is not in ness and discontent which are the natural result fact, nor can be, in Europe, any settled confidence of experience so dearly purchased. between the governing and the governed. And rience is the true foundation of political power in that public distrust naturally extends itself to pri- free nations, and the next time the Germans set to vate life. Among the disclosures which every work to erect an empire, we trust they will not revolution in those countries makes, and especially select a quicksand for the site of the edifice. As where military force has been most relied on, is it was, the attempt they made fell little short of the fact of a painful want of confidence between moral, political, and historical impossibility. man and man, as well as between rulers and citi- The King of Prussia had commenced his osten
Fearsul of the men in power, they are dis-sible part in the movenient of Germany by a proctrustful of each other. The trust that should be lamation calculated to inflame and gratify the placed in the citizen and neighbor, in the commu- wildest hopes of the democratic party, at the monity itself, individually and collectively, is trans- ment of its first ebullition ; and, as he had just ferred to the sword, which seems to say, and is abandoned his own capital and humbled his own made to say, But for me, you would quickly plun- army by unlimited concessions to the revolution, der and destroy one another !
there seemed no reason to doubt that the influence In these circumstances, we repeat, the senti- of Prussia would tend rather to swell the force of ments and habits which can alone consist with this deluge than to arrest it. For many months the settled peace of a community, cannot be that was the case ; every throne in Germany totformed. Respect for public order and the public tered as long as the Prussian monarchy was insegood, a sense of personal character and citizen- cure ; and it remained uncertain whether a strange ship, individual as well as general patriotism, and mixture of dynastic ambition and revolutionary a cherished confidence, mutual and public—these, enthusiasm would not eventually consign every in such condition of society, are sentiments of throne in Germany to ruin, and convert the King small account with the majority of the subjects, of the Prussians into the leader of a European and indeed are quite lost with the million, for revolution. That part was unquestionably witbin want of opportunity to act. Subjection to law is, the reach of the court of Berlin ; and to the honor with both rulers and ruled, a question of brute of the king he rejected it. He rejected it, we force, and whenever the people perceive that superi- have no doubt, from conscientious motives— from ority of force is with them, authority goes down, a recollection of the rights of others, and his own of course.
dignity—from a clearer sense of the local interests
of his kingdom and of Germany. From the London Times, 21 Aug.
But Prussia could pursue no middle course ; the
consequence of the king's refusal of what they POLITICAL STATE AND PROSPECTS OF GER
called an imperial crown was an immediate rupMANY.
ture with the revolutionary faction, which had The general aspect of affairs in Germany, and hitherto screened its operations behind the Prusthe position of Prussia, more especially with ref- sian party, and civil war broke out in the weaker erence to the other Germanic powers, may be states of Saxony, Rhenish Bavaria, and Baden. described as the exact opposite or counterpart of The cabinet of Berlin immediately took the lead what they were just twelve months ago. The in the repression of these serious disturbances ; popular movement which had broken out in the Dresden was saved in part by Prussian grenadiers ; days of March was then still at its height. If the and a campaign on the Upper Rhine brought the unity of Germany was to be established within the Northern Germans to the frontiers of Switzerland, confines of the Confederation, and if the power of and even appeared at one moment to menace the the nation was to be extended as far on every side Helvetic Confederation and the Canton of Neufas the German tongue is spoken, the Frankfort chatel. The minor princes, who had been conAssembly and the Central government were the vulsed with terror during the revolution, by a sense engines of these important changes, and the su- of their own defenceless condition, especially preme representatives of the national will. If since the fatal example of the military revolt in Prussia was to receive the blessings of a repre- Baden, were eager for an arrangement which might sentative system of government, and to become the secure for them the protection of Prussia, and the ostensible chief of that renovated empire, these position of the great nobles of Germany. Even institutions were to stand on the broadest basis of when Prussia seemed to be the chosen head of the democracy, and to be sanctioned in the first instance Frankfort democracy, the little princes waited not even to learn her decision, but acquiesced in those the part of foreign powers to abstain from all unproposals on any terms. Much more likely were due interference in the relations of the German they to cling to Prussia when she had more dis- States ; and even the attack on Denmark could not tinctly shown that she was not unprepared to draw rouse the chief states of Europe from their system the sword against the excesses of the revolution ; of observation and neutrality.
But to preserve that her army was all-powerful and trustworthy, these relations it is essential that Germany, and and that she could stem the torrent which was each of the Gerinan states, should avoid such intersweeping them away. The Hohenzollerns of nal changes as would materially alter the balance Southern Germany, lords of territories not exceed- of power. It is impossible that any French gove ing in size a small county, abdicated their sov- ernment should view with indifference the extension ereignty in favor of the royal branch of their house ; of the military power of Prussia along the whole and thus the ascendency of Prussia throve and frontier of the Rhine. Nor would the commercial struck its root abroad by her successful opposition interests of Great Britain learn without apprehento those principles which she had affected last year sion that measures were contemplated to interfere transiently to adopt.
with the absolute independence of the free port of The aspect of Germany is, therefore, changed, Hamburg, whose transactions are so nearly conand Prussia herself is now governed by men whose nected with those of our own mercantile cities. energetic policy is at present supported by a ma- These considerations, added to the increasing rejority of the new chambers, strongly adverse to luctance of the people in Germany to yield an the revolution. But, though her means of influ- unqualified submission to Prussian ascendency, will ence are altered, the objects to which she is tend- doubtless warn the court of Berlin not to presume ing are the saine ; her ascendency is advancing, too much upon the strength of its position. It has but it rests on a popular basis, and the slightest imposed on Germany a lasting debt of gratitude imprudence on the part of the cabinet of Berlin for the energetic repression of a formidable revolumight give the signal for fresh convulsions within tion ; it will, we hope, take the lead in the pacific the German states, or a more direct remonstrance establishment of constitutional government; but, from other parts of Europe. The Prussian troops if these events are to raise the character and station are now looked upon all over Germany as the of Prussia in Germany and in Europe, their effect forces most opposed to the twis passions of uncon- must be gradual, and their results must be equally trolled freedom and of local independence. The remote from revolutionary violence and from miliPrussian regiments returning from Schleswig were tary aggrandizement. fiercely attacked in the streets of Hamburg, partly by the anarchists, but far more by that spirit of
From the London Times, August 20. independence which is the life of the commercial freedom of the Hanseatic cities ; for Hamburg still stands aloof from that political union which The relations of the Papal government with its she knows to be the forerunner of the most calam- own subjects and with the French republic are itous commercial restrictions.
daily assuming a character of signal iniquity. It In the southern provinces on the Rhine, which is evident from the conduct of Pius IX. that he have been devastated and demoralized by a fright- entertains no intention of compromise in those ful insurrection, the Prussian army is viewed with political differences which drove him into temsullen animosity; and, as the Grand Duke of porary exile, but that his authority has been reBaden finds himself, on his return to Carlsruhe, sumed with the deliberate resolution of carrying wholly dependent on his powerful auxiliaries, the out to their full extent those traditional principles military occupation of the country is the sole sup- of administration which have hitherto so equivoport of his government. On the other hand, the cally characterized the States of the Church. We southern powers of Austria, Bavaria, and Wurtem- have reasons for surmising that this resolution is berg, have not been slow to avail themselves of not of very recent formation. this increasing jealousy and popular hostility to the It would have been no unnatural resolt if the Prussian influence. They are even accused, we violent measures of the insurrectionary party in hope without reason, of fomenting that spirit of Rome, following, as they did, so closely on the anarchy from which Prussia has most effectually liberal overtures of the pontiff himself, had incontributed to save them, and of an attempt to duced some reactionary sentiments ; but we are revive the obsolete pretensions of the Archduke not without an opinion that the determination now John. These are dangerous and unworthy tricks, shown on the part of his holiness, to maintain in if they have been resorted to ; but at the same their full integrity all the abuses of an essentially time, it bodes no good to the union of Germany corrupt administration, was of earlier growth than that, in these critical times, the Assembly or Diet the revolutionary schemes of the late conspirators. of the Confederation has ceased to exist in any It is even possible that in the first passages which distinct or lawful form, and that the policy of the occurred between the respective heads of the Papal northern and southern courts is more divided, if states and the French republic some such doctrines not opposed, than it has been at any moment since were candidly avowed, but all perplexities on this the formation of the Germanic body.
point are removed by the fact that the pretext on There is, we doubt not, a strong disposition on which the overt intervention of France was at last
AFFAIRS OF ROME.