On a subsequent day he again wrote:-"I saw my royal master as usual yesterday. The committee to settle the forms of the coronation have reported to him that, as there is to be no crowning of a queen, peeresses should not be summoned to attend, and so all former precedents in like cases appear to have been. But he says that as queen Elizabeth, though a lady, had both peers and peeresses, so he, though he has no queen, will have both ladies and gentlemen to attend him. I think, however, he will not persist in this. The town is employed in nothing but speculation, whether her majesty will or will not come. Great bets are laid about it. Some people have taken fifty guineas, undertaking in lieu of them to pay a guinea a-day till she comes, so sure are they that she will not come. Others assert that they know she will come, and that she will find her way into Westminster Abbey and Westminster Hall on the coronation, in spite of all opposition. I retain my old opinion that she will not come, unless she is insane. It is, however, certain that she has appointed maids of honour-ladies to whom she is pleased to give that appellation."

The other ministers shared this confidence, and the king himself seemed to have no misgivings upon the subject. On the 3rd of May he received addresses at Carlton House, and on the 10th he held his first levée since his accession to the throne, at which nearly eighteen hundred persons of distinction were present, who testified their attachment to his person in the most gratifying manner. The families of the great political party that formed and supported his government affected to treat the queen's pretensions with a quiet disdain that evinced their confidence in the unbounded loyalty of the nation. But their eyes were soon opened; and in a few weeks ministers sat abashed upon the Treasury benches as if conscious that they were driving the vessel of the constitution upon a rock, subservient to the tyranny of their master. The liberal party were vehement in their denunciations, and the leading whigs, whether from policy or a sense of duty, came forward as the champions of the queen's rights. The people were all enthusiastic in her favour, and wild with excitement.

On the 1st of June her majesty arrived at St. Omer, inten ling to embark at Calais without delay for England. She wrote thence to the prime minister, the earl of Liverpool, commanding him to prepare a palace in London for her reception; another to lord Melville, to send a yacht to carry her across the Channel to Dover; and a third to the duke of York, repeating both demands, and complaining of the treatment she had received. Two days later lord Hutchinson, with Mr. Brougham, who was her legal adviser, arrived with a proposition from the king, offering her fifty thousand pounds a-year for life if she would

remain on the continent, and relinquish her claims as queen of England. There was some unaccountable misunderstanding between Mr. Brougham and lord Hutchinson, which has never been explained. The following statement is said to have been placed in the hands of the former by lord Liverpool :-" The king is willing to recommend to parliament to enable his majesty to settle an annuity of fifty thousand pounds a-year upon the queen, to be enjoyed by her during her natural life, and in lieu of any claim in the nature of jointure or otherwise, provided she will engage not to come into any part of the British dominions, and provided she engages to take some other name or title than that of queen, and not to exercise any of the rights or privileges of queen, other than with respect to the appointment of law officers, or to any proceedings in courts of justice. The annuity to cease upon the violation of these engagements, viz., upon her coming into any part of the British dominions; or her assuming the title of queen; or her exercising any of the rights or privileges of queen, other than above excepted, after the annuity shall have been settled upon her."

Mr. Brougham, instead of submitting this proposition to the queen, stated to her that he came accompanied by lord Hutchinson, as mediator who had a proposal to make on the part of the king. The queen demanded that it should be put in writing; but he answered, that he had only memoranda upon separate scraps of paper, the substance of many conversations held with lord Liverpool; and he conveyed to her an extract of a letter from lord Liverpool, in which he said, "It is material that her majesty should know confidentially, that if she be so illadvised as to come over to this country, there must be an end to all negotiation and compromise. The decision, I may say, is taken to proceed against her as soon as she sets her foot on the British shore." The proposition made by lord Hutchinson was substantially the same as that in the statement above given. The queen instantly and indignantly rejected the offer, and started for England with all haste, having dismissed her foreign suite, including Bergami, her chamberlain, and the prime cause of the scandal that attached to her name. She would not even be dissuaded by Mr. Brougham, who most carnestly implored her to refrain from rushing into certain trouble, and possible danger; or, at least, to delay taking the step until lord Hutchinson should have received fresh instructions.

She was peremptory, and sailed at once for Dover, accompanied by lady Anne Hamilton and alderman Wood, landing on the 6th of June. As this event was quite unexpected by government, the commandant, having had no orders to the contrary, received her with a royal salute. The beach was covered with people, who welcomed her with shouts of enthusiasm. From Dover to London her journey was a continued ovation. In London the whole population seemed to turn out in a delirium of joy and triumph, which reached its climax as the procession passed Carlton House. No residence having been provided for her by the government, she proceeded to the house of alderman Wood, in Audley Street.

The astounded ministers held protracted and most

A.D. 1820.]

anxious cabinet councils, at their wits' end to know how to act under this emergency; the swelling tide of the king's unpopularity threatening to sweep away him and them, and even the throne itself. The result of their deliberations was the following message from his majesty to the house of lords :—

9

appearance on the balcony of a stout lady, in a large hat, surmounted by a plume of feathers."*

Some extracts from the correspondence in the volume just quoted will give an idea of the state of feeling among the aristocracy on this occasion. The hon. colonel Stanhope writes:-"I am in a great fright about the

"The king has felt the most anxious desire to avert the necessity of disclosures and discussions which must be as painful to his people as they can be to himself; but the step now taken by the queen leaves him no alternative.

"The king has the fullest confidence that, in consequence of this communication, the house of lords will adopt that course of proceeding which the justice of the case, and the honour and dignity of his majesty's crown, may require.

"GEORGE R." Lord Eldon, writing to his daughter, Mrs. Bankes, gives the following account of these events:—

"June 7th, 1820, half-past 9 A.M. "Contrary to all expectation, the queen entered London yesterday in an open carriage, with the alderman and lady Anne Hamilton, and amidst a vast concourse of people, in carriages and on horseback, who had gone out to meet her, and to hail her approach. She drove to alderman Wood's house in South Audley Street, where she exhibited herself and the alderman from the balcony to all who chose to take a peep at them, the multitude in the street requiring all who passed by to make their reverences and obeisances to her majesty. In the meantime, messages were sent to both houses of parliament, which may be considered as the forerunners of long parliamentary proceedings relative to her conduct. These parliamentary proceedings are likely to be warm on both sides. At present one can only conjecture what is to happen-and conjecture deserves little confidence, when this lady's arrival has robbed conjecture of all merit. As yet, indeed, there has been no time to consider what the effect of it should be upon coronation, drawing-rooms, &c. I think confidently it must postpone the coronation; and it will require some days to see what can or cannot be done with the other matters. The king was well received as he went to and from the house; but his reception was nothing like what they gave the queen."

“From this time," says the duke of Buckingham, "the agitation in the public mind hourly increased, till it began to assume a most threatening aspect. The queen never appeared in public without creating intense excitement. When in the streets her horses were taken from her carriage, and she was drawn in triumph by scores of shouting adherents through a clamorous mob. Before the alderman's house, in South Audley Street, stood, hour after hour, a shouting myriad, excited to a pitch of frenzy to which no description can do justice, by the

H., who seems to have committed himself and employers most lamentably? She will, I fear, have a tremendous party of many well-disposed, good, moral men, as well as of all those who hate the king and the government."

A contemporary diarist observes:-" Had some conversation with Tierney, who looked serious and down. He said everything was worse and worse out of doors, and he had no remedy. I observed, 'The only remedy-the only possibility of things returning to their former state-was a rebellion, and the troops standing by us, and quelling it with a high hand.' He replied, "That was the disease.' I said, 'Neither he nor I should live to see society where it had been, and ought to be;' to which he assented. I have no doubt he is sincere; yet he and his party are the real authors of the spirit we deplore."†

A confidential friend of the duke of Wellington says:— "We fell upon the general situation of things, which the duke allowed was almost as bad as could be; nor could he see the remedy, if the upper and middle ranks would not stir; but all, he continued, with some sadness as well as indignation, seem struck with panic-ourselves and all; and if the country is lost, it will be through our own cowardice. 'Everything,' said he, 'is audacity and insolence on one side, and tameness on ours. We go to the house, seemingly, on purpose to be insulted. The opposition know it, and act accordingly.' I said, 'I feared it was particularly so in the house of commons, where the ministerial bench, with the exception of lord Castlereagh, seemed like victims.'‡

"The principal ministers went in daily danger of their lives. Lord Sidmouth never drove out without a case of loaded pistols on the seat of the carriage, ready for instant use; and when either of them was recognised in the public streets, he was sure to be greeted by groans and hisses, and sometimes by more formidable missiles.”

Mr. Freemantle, writing to the marquis of Buckingham, asks:-"How can all this end? It has not a little benefited her cause that it appears how much the king personally has prepared the evidence by his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot calculate on anything less than subversion of all government and authority if this is to go on, and how it is to end no one can foresee. The press now is completely open to treason, sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood, with impunity. This alone, if it continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer establishments to be formed, or something to be done, without a moment's delay, by the welldisposed and loyal who have influence to check the torrent, and to guard against the explosion which must inevitably

* "Memoirs of the Court of George IV.," vol. i., p. 31.

+ Phipps's "Memoirs of R. P. Ward," vol. ii., p. 61.
Phipps's "Memoirs of Ward."

take place. The king here confines himself to the cottage; has hourly messengers-that is, dragoons-who are posted on the road by dozens, and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but he is very seldom seen; and this is only what one picks up. You have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject; and how the queen is still supported."*

The gravity of the situation is strikingly presented in a letter from lord Eldon to his brother, during a visit to Encomb. Writing thence, he says:—

เ

"I was saluted at Ringwood by a collection of people shouting into my coach, while changing horses, Queen Caroline for ever!' and I had the same salutation from passengers on the road. Here they have settled all matters, because they say, sweepingly, Italians are not to be believed. In short, the cause here is all against the king. I have long thought that the effect of recrimination will be produced, even if evidence of recrimination should be refused.

"The received notion, that this would be treason if committed here, must be looked to. Suppose it had been committed here; adultery on his part would have been no defence-could not have been given in evidence. See, then, what would be the case-she is convicted; does he pardon, so as to save her life? If he can't have a divorce, because of adultery on his part, he must either let the law take its course against her, and divorce by execution, or take the pardoned traitor to his arms, to love and cherish. Notwithstanding all that can be said, I should, if I were to decide to-day, argue the case as if recrimination had been proved."

The danger of civil war was felt to be so great that earnest attempts were made to conciliate the queen, and to effect a compromise. Mr. Wilberforce was very zealous in this matter. He wrote to the king, entreating him to restore the queen's name to the liturgy. This was a vital point. The ministry had expressed their intention to resign if this must be done. Mr. Wilberforce headed a deputation from the house of commons, who proceeded to her residence, in full court costume. He describes her manner as extremely dignified, but very stern and haughty." He got no thanks from either party for his attempts at negotiation. He was very much abused by Cobbett, and other writers on the popular side. "What a lesson," he exclaimed, "it is to a man, not to set his heart on low popularity, when, after forty years' disinterested public service, I am believed to be a perfect rascal!" Lord John Russell published a letter, addressed to Mr. Wilberforce, urging him to interfere again, and expressing the opinion that, perhaps, the fate of the country was in his hands. "Alas!" wrote the venerable philanthropist, "surely we never were in such a scrape. The bulk of the people, I grant, are run mad, but then it was a species of insanity on which we might have reckoned, because we knew their prejudices against foreigners, their being easily led away by appeals to their generous feelings; and then the doses with which they are plied are enough to intoxicate

"Memoirs," &c., by the Duke, vol. i., pp. 45-67.

+ "Wilberforce's Life," vol. v., pp. 65-68.

much stronger heads than most of theirs." Again he observes, "I feel deeply the evil that so bad a woman as I fear she is should carry the victory by sheer impudence— if she is guilty-and assume the part of a person deeply injured." The state of feeling between the belligerent parties is thus described by the lord chancellor:

"You will see, by the impressions of the seal on this scrap, that cabinets are quite in fashion; daily, nightly, hourly cabinets are in fashion. The lower orders here are all queen's folks: few of the middling or higher orders, except the profligate, or those who are endeavouring to acquire power through mischief. The bulk of those who are in parliament are afraid of the effect of the disclosures and discussions which must take place if there is not some pacific settlement. The queen is obstinate, and makes no propositions tending to that—at least, as yet. The king is determined, and will hear of none-of nothing but thorough investigation, and of what he, and those who consider themselves more than him, think and talk of thorough

exposure of Q., and divorce. To this extent parliament will not go; but, amidst this mess of difficulties, something must arise in a few days, or it will happen. I think, in a few days, that the king will try whether he cannot find an administration which can bring parliament more into his views than the present ministers. I do not see how matters can go on a week longer with the present administration remaining. I think no administration, who have any regard for him, will go to the length he wishes, as an administration, and if they will, they cannot take parliament along with them. That body is afraid of disclosures-not on one side only-which may affect the monarchy itself."

Mr. Brougham and Mr. Denman met the duke of Wellington and lord Castlereagh on the 15th of June, to discuss an adjustment; when it was laid down, as a preliminary, that the queen must not be understood to admit, nor the king to retract, anything; and that the questions to be examined were-the future residence of the queen; her title, when travelling on the continent; the non-exercise of certain rights of patronage in England; and the income to be assigned to her for life.

This fourth topic the queen desired might be altogether laid aside in these conferences; and the differences which arose upon the first proposition prevented any discussion on the second and third. They suggested that her majesty should be officially introduced by the king's ministers abroad to foreign courts, or, at least, to the court of some one state which she might select for her residence; and that her name should be restored to the liturgy, or something conceded by way of equivalent, the nature of which, however, was not specified by her negotiators.

It was answered that, on the subject of the liturgy, there could be no change of what had been resolved; that, with respect to her residence in any foreign state, the king, although he could not properly require of any foreign power to receive at its court any person not received at the court of England, would, however, cause official notification to be made of her legal character as queen; and that a king's yacht, or a ship of war, should be provided to convey her to the port she might select.