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A.D. 1838.]

FANATICAL RIOTS IN KENT.

411

most determined of his followers, for the purpose of with a dagger, after which he flung the body into a redressing political wrongs.

ditch. There were two other constables, who immediately He fired a pistol, said to be loaded with ball, against his rode back to the magistrates, and reported the facts. The own body, and also against some of his followers, without country was now in such a state of excitement and alarm, injury. He put lighted matches under a corn stack, but that it was deemed advisable to send to Canterbury for the stack did not take fire, because, as the lunatic said, a party of military, who speedily arrived, accompanied by and his companions believed, he had commanded it not several magistrates. By this time the whole body of to burn. He shot at a star, and they declared it fell into rioters had retreated to a deep and sequestered part of the sea. One of his followers afterwards confessed that Bossenden Wood, where Thom shouted and exhorted so convinced were they that they could not be shot, that his adherents to behave like men, and excited them to they would have attacked 2,000 soldiers. He told them desperate fury. On perceiving the soldiers, he advanced there was great opposition throughout the land, and, in- with the greatest sang froid, and in presence of the troops, deed, throughout the world; but that if they followed deliberately shot Lieutenant Bennett, of the 45th Regihim, he would lead them on to glory. He had come to ment, who was in advance of his party, and who fell dead earth on a cloud, and on a cloud he should return; that upon the spot. The soldiers then immediately fired, neither bullets nor weapons of any kind could injure and Thom was one of the first killed. In a few them, if they had but faith in him as their Saviour. If moments ten lives were sacrificed, and a number of 10,000 soldiers came against them, they would either persons were maimed for the remainder of their days. espouse his cause or fall dead at his command. At the A coroner's jury on Mears, the constable, found a verdict conclusion of an exciting harangue, one of his followers, of "wilful murder" against William Percy Honeywood Alexander Foad, a respectable farmer, knelt down at his Courtenay, alias John Nicholl Thom, and five others, feet and worshipped him; so did another man, named of whom one was dead. At the inquest on Lieutenant Brankfort. Foad then inquired whether he should Bennett, a similar verdict was found against Courtenay follow him in the body, or go home and follow him in the and eighteen of his followers, of whom eight had been heart. To this Thom replied, "Follow me in the body." killed. Thom was buried on the 5th of June at Herne Foad then sprung to his feet in an ecstasy of joy, and Hill; the portion of the burial service referring to the with a voice of great animation exclaimed, "Go on, resurrection having been omitted, from fear of cherishing go on; till I drop, I'll follow thee." Brankfort was also the delusion of his followers that he should rise from the accepted in a similar manner, and exhibited the dead. same enthusiastic devotion. Thom uttered terrific denunciations of eternal torture against all who should refuse to follow him. To some he pretended that he was 2,000 years old. One woman sent her son to join him with a mother's blessing, and scarcely could the evidence of her son's broken thigh convince her that his followers were not invulnerable. At length, the natural consequences of this insanity appeared in melancholy and fatal results. On Monday, the 28th of May, the pretended Messiah and his followers sallied forth from the village of Boughton. A loaf was broken and placed upon a pole, with a flag of white and blue, and a rampant lion. They proceeded thence to Goodnesstone, near Faversham, producing the greatest excitement as they advanced, and hourly adding to their numbers. At the last haltingplace Thom stated that he would strike the decisive blow. They next went to Herne Hill, where he demanded and obtained food for his followers. At Dargate Common he took off his shoes, and said, "I now stand on my own bottom." By his desire, his followers fell on their knees, and were engaged in a mockery of prayer for half an hour. They visited Newnham, Eastling, Throwley, Seldwick, Lees, and Selling, and returned to BosBenden farm, where they arrived on a Wednesday evening. On the following morning, May 31st, at the request of a farmer whose men had been seduced from their work, a constable named Mears was sent to apprehend an apprentice. After a little parley, the "Knight of Malta " inquired which was the constable, and on Mears replying that he was, Thom immedietely drew a pistol and shot him, and then stabbed him

The trial of the parties engaged in this unfortunate affair, known as the " Canterbury Riots," commenced at Maidstone on the 9th of August, before Lord Denman, who charged the jury to the effect that if they were of opinion that Thom was of unsound mind-so that if he had been put on his trial, he could not have been convicted of murder-the principal being acquitted, the accessories must also be acquitted on the first count, which charged them with aiding and abetting Thom. But on the second count the evidence was strong against the prisoners, who were guilty of murder, if the jury thought that they armed themselves with dangerous weapons, reckless whether death might ensue in resisting a lawful authority, and death had ensued with their co-operation. The jury, after about twenty minutes' deliberation, brought in a verdict of "guilty" on the second count, with a strong recommendation to mercy on account of the infatuation with which they were led astray by Courtenay. Lord Denman immediately pronounced sentence of death, but added that the lives of the prisoners would be spared. A similar sentence was pronounced upon the murderers of Lieutenant Bennett. Tyler and Wills were transported for life, Price for ten years, and a number of others were imprisoned for one year, with hard labour. The Government gave a pension of £40 a year to the widow of the constable who was shot in the discharge of his duty.

This outburst of folly and fanaticism created a more profound sensation of astonishment than any other example of religious delusion in modern times. There seemed to be no circumstance which was capable of

explaining it: neither the time nor the place in which Commons, who animadverted on the conduct of the it occurred was such as could be considered favourable Home Secretary in connection with the transaction. to the spread of such a monstrous infatuation. It Lord John Russell defended himself successfully from happened at an advanced period of the nineteenth the charge; he showed that he had exercised his powers century, when enlightenment had become widely dif- merely in the ordinary manner, at the urgent request of fused, and religious teaching had produced fruits which the parents of the lunatic, and after ascertaining from ought to have rendered a belief in such absurd pre- the local authorities that it was a fit case for the exercise tensions impossible. The scene was laid, not amidst of the prerogative of the Crown, and asserted that the poverty and destitution, but in Kent, the very garden Cornwall election was never mentioned in connection with of England, among those comfortable farm-houses and the matter. Sir Hussey Vivian declared upon his honour neat cottages in which it might be reasonably expected that he was not aware till the previous week that the that a well educated, and therefore an orderly and a father of the lunatic had voted at the election. Sir E. religious population would be found. Nor was it con- Knatchbull had moved for a select committee to inquire fined to the humbler classes; not only hundreds of the into the matter. Lord Howick objected to some of the peasantry and mechanics, but some of the superior names, as not calculated to inspire confidence in their orders were ready to lay down their lives for an im- decision. One of the gentlemen mentioned - Mr. postor, who, though he pretended to supernatural | Praed-resented with indignation the objection, chapower, had never done anything which even the racterizing it as "the superfluous, gross, and unnegrossest ignorance could construe into a miracle, and cessary affront put upon the members to whom the who had nothing whatever to recommend him but a noble lord had alluded." But it was said that pleasing appearance and a plausible manner. The Lord Howick's demeanour was courtesy itself comextraordinary character of this outbreak, which, not-pared with Sir E. Lytton Bulwer's, who permitted withstanding the proneness of mankind to be willingly his excited feelings to betray him into a strange and deceived, seemed quite unaccountable, induced the utterly unprovoked attack upon Mr. Praed, whom Central Society of Education to make some inquiries regarding its cause; and these led to a satisfactory solution of the difficulty. The locality was, it is true, fertile, and highly cultivated; nevertheless, it was a moral desert: its inhabitants were prosperous and comfortable, but they were almost devoid of religious or intellectual culture. Those on whom the charge of instructing them devolved, appear to have lamentably neglected their duties. In the Ville of Dunkirque, near Canterbury, there was neither church nor clergyman; there were neither national nor Lancasterian schools in the villages, and those who attended the wretched substitutes for them learned nothing. The results were such as might have been expected. Of forty-five persons above the age of fourteen, who resided at Herne Hill, only eleven could read and write; and of 113 children in Dunkirque, only 10 could read or write tolerably. The zeal of the various religious denominations was aroused by these melancholy and surprising revelations. This deplorable state of things was mitigated, if not put an end to; the requirements of public worship and the means of education were supplied in the majority of cases; but there still exist, in East Kent, villages that are destitute of any public provision for the instruction of the children of their inhabitants.

he charged with changing his opinions, and as a proof mentioned that when at college he had celebrated the 30th of January with a calf's head dinner. This was distinctly denied, and an altercation ensued, which required the interposition of the Speaker. There were variondivisions on the selection of the committee, which wa ultimately appointed, with the substitution of some other names.

On the 16th of August the Queen proceeded to Westminster for the purpose of proroguing Parliament. The Speaker addressed Her Majesty in the name of the Commons, giving her an account of the work of the session. He referred to the vigorous and decisive measures which had been adopted for the pacification of Canada, and "to the large and extensive powers given to the Governor in council," which were to be exercised under her control, and on the responsibility of her ministers. He spoke at considerable length on the Irish Poor Law Act, remarking, "If the execution of this most important law shall be watched over and guided by the same prudent and impartial spirit which governed our deliberations in its enactment, we confidently hope that the benefit which it is calculated to confer will be gradually developed." Referring to the Irish Tithe Act, and the Acts for the Abolition of Imprisonment for Debt in cer One would suppose that this melancholy affair could tain cases, for abridging pluralities, and for making better have had no sort of connection with political parties, provision for the residence of the clergy, he said, “In yet it became the occasion of angry party discussions in passing these measures, we have again recorded our eonthe House of Commons. By an unlucky coincidence viction that the surest way to maintain respect for our Thom was released from the lunatic asylum just at laws and attachment to our institutions is by gradually the time of the last general election. His father voted introducing such amendments as are most likely to refor Sir Hussey Vivian at the Cornwall county election. commend them to the improving opinions and incressSir Hussey was the Ministerial candidate, and it was in- ing knowledge of the educated classes of the community." sinuated that the discharge of the dangerous lunatic was The Queen having given the royal assent to a series of the result of undue influence. The subject was accord-bills, read, in a clear, distinct voice, the speech from the ingly taken up by Sir E. Knatchbull in the House of throne, expressing satisfaction at the amendment of the

A.D. 1837.]

TRADES COMBINATIONS.

413

ters will be in London, and we will be no longer governed by course of post; yet the chief among them will have their whole time divided between sleeping and attendance at your palace: no time for calm discussions; none for careful preparation of dispatches and other state papers; none for meditation, to form and enlarge their views on the great questions that occur, none for reading."

domestic institutions of the country, the mitigations of the law, and the Irish measures. Concerning the Irish Poor Law, she observed, "I cherish the expectation that its provisions have been so cautiously framed, and will be so prudently executed, that while they contribute to relieve distress they will tend to preserve order, and to encourage habits of industry and exertion." Concerning the Irish Tithe Bill, she remarked, "I trust, likewise, that the act which you have passed, relating to the composition for tithe in Ireland, will increase the security of that property, and promote internal peace." To the gentlemen of the House of Commons she said, "I Trades Combinations-Strike of the Cotton Spinners' Association at Glascannot sufficiently thank you for your dispatch and liberality in providing for the expenses of my household, and the maintenance of the honour and dignity of the crown. I offer you my warmest acknowledgments for the addition you have made to the income of my beloved mother."

In a review of the session given the same day by Sir Robert Inglis, he stated that it had been one of almost unexampled duration and toil. He found that the house had sat 173 days, of which not less than 1,134 hours had been occupied in public business. It was the longest session, save one, in the present century. In the first session of George IV. the house sat only 111 days, and in the first of William IV. only eighty-four days. He I thought that the country would regard with satisfaction this proof of their zeal and devotion; but he lamented the number of bills brought in at a late season, when it was utterly impossible to deal with them, no less than sixty-four having been presented after the 1st of July. We have already alluded to the care taken by Lord Melbourne in instructing and guiding the youthful Queen in discharging the duties of her high office. This extraordinary devotion, however, was the subject of constant remark in political circles during this first year of Her Majesty's reign. It was said that the incessant attendance of the prime minister upon his Sovereign was not quite becoming his position. It was stated that he became to all intents an inmate of her palace, and a companion of her court. This state of things called forth a pamphlet, in the form of a letter addressed to the Queen, which excited a good deal of notice at the time. The writer says:-"Downing Street and Whitehall are no longer the resort of the cabinet. The official residences are deserted, and one palace holds the Sovereign and the servants of the public. This novel, and inconvenient, and not very seemly excess of royal favour is at once injurious to the public service and personally advantageous to the ministry. For although it must necessarily prevent them from attending to the duties of their several departments, and thus make them far worse ministers than they might, by more diligence and harder work, become, they care mighty little for this, provided they gain a further hold of your mind, and show the country more strikingly how unbounded is their influence. Whatever business they may transact beyond the royal promenades must needs be transacted in writing. When you return to London some months hence, no doubt part of this serious evil will be removed, but only part. The Minis

CHAPTER XLIII.

gow-Arrest of the Secret Committee-Organised AssassinationOath of the Association-The Cotton Spinners' Trial-The Policy of Strikes; Encouraged by the Masters; their General Success-The Darg-English Parties-Ireland the Cardinal Point of English Politics -Meeting of Parliament-The Queen's Speech-Illegal MeetingsChartism; its Rise and Progress-The Six Points - Speech of Mr. Stephens-Communism-The Chartist Petition-Chartist Demonstrations-Grand Moral Demonstration on Kersal Moor-Chartist Propositions-Chartist Riots at Birmingham-Arrest of Dr. TaylorMore Riots at Birmingham-Chartist Meetings at Manchester-Forced Contributions-Letter of the Home Secretary-The Sacred Month Abandoned-Meeting at Kennington Common-Chartist Trials at Chester-Trial of Mr. Stephens-Dissolution of the National Convention-The Monmouth Insurrection-Frost, Williams, and Jones-Trial and Sentence of the Prisoners.

Ir has been well remarked by a Conservative historian that "combinations are the natural resource of the weak against the strong, of the poor against the rich, the oppressed against the oppressors." They have been known in all countries, and in all ages, and have often rendered important services to society. Their natural tendency, however, and, in fact, the condition of their existence, is the bringing the great body of the com-' bined persons under the control of a few ambitious leaders, who are generally as unscrupulous in their measures as they are eminent for their abilities. Tho system of combination had spread very widely in 1837 and 1838. So great was the terrorism produced, that conviction for an outrage was very rare. The utmost precautions were taken to prevent discovery in committing assassination. Strangers were sent to a great distance for the purpose; and even if they were detected, few persons would run the risk of coming forward as witnesses. The consequence was that in nine cases out of ten combination murders were perpetrated with impunity. In 1837 the great Cotton Spinners' Association at Glasgow struck, to prevent a reduction of wages in consequence of the mercantile embarrassments arising from the commercial crash in the United States. This association had its branches all over Scotland and the north of England. During sixteen years a total of £200,000 had passed through its hands. So extensive was it in its ramifications, that when it struck in the spring of 1837, no less than 50,000 persons, including the families of the workers, were deprived of the means of existence, and reduced to the last degree of destitution. Crowds of angry workmen paraded the streets and gathered round the factory gates, to prevent other people from going in to work; fire-balls were thrown into the mills for the purpose of burning them. At length the members of the association went so far as

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done last night?" being done?" committee?"

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"What did you mean by nothing

to shoot one of the new hands in open day in a public street of Glasgow. In consequence of this outrage, the 'Why was no one murdered by the sheriff of Lanarkshire proceeded with a body of twenty It was moved at a general meeting, policemen and arrested the members of the secret com- June 15th, 1837, by William Johnstone, and carried mittee, sixteen in number, who were found assembled unanimously, that the names of all who remained "nobs" in a garret, to which they obtained access by a trap-(new hands) at the end of the strike should be enrolled ladder, in Gallowgate of that city. This was on Satur-in a book, printed, and sent to all the spinning districts day night, August 3rd. "On the Monday following the in Scotland, England, and Ireland, and that they strike was at an end, and all the mills in Glasgow were going; so entirely are these calamitous associations the result of terror, inspired in the enslaved multitude by a few daring and unscrupulous leaders."*

On the cotton-spinners' trial which followed, there was a full exposure given by the members of the secrets of the organisation, and the terrible machinery by which the decrees of the secret tribunal were carried into execution. It appeared that when a strike had lasted a considerable time without producing the desired result of forcing the employers into submission, the workmen of different factories engaged in the union were summoned by the committee to send delegates to a place of meeting, in order to appoint a secret select committee. Two were summoned from each factory, and there were thirty-seven then at Glasgow. It was perfectly well understood that the object of this committee was to organise violence, intimidation, and outrage. When the delegates assembled, each wrote upon a slip of paper the names of the persons he voted for to form the "secret select," which consisted of five persons. The slips were folded up and given to the secretary, who immediately dissolved the meeting, without announcing the names, which were known only to himself. In the evening he called on the persons who had the majority of votes, and informed them of their election. When it was deemed expedient to perpetrate an assault, or an assassination, an anonymous letter was sent to the person whom the committee had selected out of "No. 61," the division which contained those desperate characters who hired themselves for such purposes. This person came to the appointed place in obedience to the summons. Ushered into a dark room, he was told by one of the members what was to be done-the nature of the assault, whether throwing vitriol into the eyes or committing murder. He was told to put forth his hand and take what he could reach. He put a sum of money into his pocket, and departed to fulfil his mission, lying in wait for his victim till a good opportunity presented itself. Thus a victim fell no one knew by whom, nor could any workman under ban feel sure that he himself would not be the next. When the crime was committed, the perpetrator obtained the means of emigrating, and there was an end of the matter. Even if the assassin informed, he would not be able to identify his employers. So quickly do men become familiar with deeds of blood under such circumstances, and so eager for fresh sensations of horror, that some of the witnesses stated on the cotton-spinners' trial that the members' every morning asked one another, "Why was nothing

Alison, vol. vi., p. 301.

remain" nobs" for ever; and a "persecuting committee " be appointed to persecute them to the utter most. The oath taken by the members of the association bound them to execute with zeal and alacrity every task and injunction which the majority of their brethren should impose upon them in furtherance of their common welfare-" as the chastisement of 'nobs,' the assassination of oppressors or tyrannical masters, or the demolition of shops that shall be deemed incorrigible;" and also that they would cheerfully contribute to the support of such of their brethren as should lose their work "in consequence of their exertions against tyranny."

Sir Archibald Alison, who was the sheriff that arrested the committee, and who therefore speaks from personal knowledge, thus describes the circumstances attending the trial:-" First, a printed placard was widely posted in every manufacturing town of Great Britain and Ireland, on the same day, denouncing the conduct of the sheriff of Lanarkshire in apprehending the committee as tyrannical in the highest degree, and calling on all the combined trades to co-operate in defeating the measure. Next, that magistrate was assailed by anonymous letters three or four times a week, from the time of the apprehension till the trial came on, five months after, from all parts of Great Britain and Ireland, threatening him with instant death if the accused persons were not immediately liberated. The Crown witnesses, eleven in number, were so threatened that, on their own petition, they were committed to gaol till the trial, and then sent out of the country at the public expense. At the trial, which lasted six days, the utmost efforts to disturb the course of justice were made. Five-andtwenty jurors were challenged by the prisoners-not one by the Crown. A crowd of two or three thousand Unionists surrounded the court every evening when the trial was adjourned, which at length increased to such a degree that five thousand persons were assembled, and military assistance had to be sent for. Under these circumstances, it was hardly to be expected that a verdict according to evidence could be obtained. The jury found the prisoners guilty of conspiracy, and they were sentenced to transportation, but the murder not proven-a result which excited some surprise, as the evidence was thought to have warranted a general verdict of guilty. This was, two years after, followed by their being all liberated from confinement by Lord Normanby, then Home Secretary."

The effects of this trial were of a permanent character; the excesses to which combinations might lead, if guided by ignorance and passion, were perceived by all, especially when the evidence taken on the subject by a parliamen

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