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measures of repression. Lord Anglesea was decided in his conviction that emancipation ought to be immediately granted. He was naturally reluctant to employ force, unless it was imperatively necessary, and then he felt with Mr. Peel that it ought to be used effectively, whatever might be the consequences. Neither the Irish nor the English government concealed from itself what those consequences would probably be-namely, an open rebellion, a sanguinary civil war; which, however, they had no doubt of being able to put down. The law officers of the crown, both in England and Ireland, were called upon for their opinions as to the illegality of the proceedings of the

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that he sometimes did and said things which made the agitators believe that they had his countenance and support. For example, he went on a visit to lord Cloncurry, who, though a protestant, was a member of the Catholic Association, and who a few days after entertaining the representative of the king, attended a meeting of that body. The excuse of lord Anglesea was, that lord Cloncurry went for the purpose of preventing the passing of a resolution in favour of exclusive dealing. The opinion of the English government was shared by Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald and many other liberal statesmen who sympathised with the irritation of the Irish protestants at the supineness

agitators, as to the likelihood of success in case of prosecution, and whether the government would be warranted, by statute or common law, in dispersing the popular assemblages by force. They agreed on both sides of the channel that the case was not sufficiently clear to justify the government either in legal proceedings or military repression. The English law officers came to this conclusion, although at the time Sir Charles Wetherell was attorney-general. It is evident, however, from the tone of the correspondence published by Sir Robert Peel's executors, that the home secretary was far from being satisfied with the conduct of lord Anglesea. It was believed that he did not always act with sufficient discretion, and

of the Irish executive. Looking at the state of things at this distance of time, every impartial person must agree that Sir Robert Peel was right. He had urged the propriety of issuing a proclamation by the lord-lieutenant in council, warning the people against assembling in large bodies in military array, as exciting alarm in the public mind, and threatening to disturb the peace. When at last lord Anglesea was induced to adopt this course, it proved successful. The agitators became cowed and cautious, and it was quite evident that nothing was further from their wishes than to come to blows, either with the troops or the Brunswickers. Thus, in November, Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald wrote to Mr. Peel: "The sentiment is universal of dis

gust, indignation, and alarm, at the proceedings of lord Anglesea's government, and at the tone of his partisans and his press. Whether the collision will happen so soon as is contemplated I know not. I rather think not. The association is frightened; and if the demonstrations of the outh are interrupted, and Mr. Lawless's progress in the west be not persevered in, it is possible, and it is to be hoped, that the hostile parties may not come to an effusion of blood. But can we read the reports of the meetings that are taking place and expect that before the winter is over, the gentry of the country, emancipators as well as Brunswickers, will not call on the government to take a part, and to save us from these horrors?" Mr. Leslie Foster, a leading Irish statesman, wrote in the same month: "Depend upon it, let parliament do what they may, the catholics will not rebel. Their leaders are more deeply convinced than you are of the utter and immediate ruin that would be the result of any insurrectionary movement; and in every rank among them, down to the lowest, there is a due fear of the power of England, the facilities of a steam invasion, the character of the duke, and not least, perhaps above all, the readiness of the Ulster protestants for battle. It is further to be borne in mind that in no period within our m.mory was the condition of the people so rapidly improving, or their employment so great, as at the present moment; and there is a real, substantial disinclination in consequence, amongst all ranks above the mere rabble, to hazard any course that would involve the country in confusion."

Mr. O'Connell's avowed principle of action was "moral force." He was in the constant habit of asserting that "the man who commits a crime gives strength to the enemy;" and that no political advantages, however great, should be obtained at the expense of "one drop of Christian blood." Nevertheless, the letters which he was in the habit of addressing to "the people of Ireland," and which were remarkable for their clearness, force, and emphatic tautology, had always prefixed to them, as a standing motto, Byron's couplet

"Hereditary bondsmen! know ye not

Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?**

There is no doubt that his great object was through life to inspire his Roman catholic countrymen with a consciousness of their physical power, supplanting the slavish spirit that had been inspired by the penal code. He was accustomed to say that for every shilling of "rent" there was a man, and the man could grasp a weapon, and put forth a power that slumbered in his right arm. In fact, this mighty political conjuror produce l all his spells by invoking this phantom of physical force; nor did he invoke it in vain, for it was that phantom that ultimately terrified the most determined supporters of protestant ascendancy into the surrender of the principle of civil equality. The Catholic Association, in its origin, was treated with contempt, and even catholics themselves spoke of it with derision; but as it proceeded in its operations, the speeches that were weekly delivered produced an effect which daily increased. The catholic aristocrat was made to feel "that lis ancient blood, which slavery had made stagnant in his veins, was of no avail; the catholic merchant was taught

that his coffers filled with gold could not impart to him any substantial importance, when every needy corporator looked down upon him from the pedestal of his aristocratie religion; the catholic priest was informed that he had much occasion to put the lessons of humility inculcated by the Gospel into practice, when every coxcomb minister of the establishment could, with impunity, put some sacerdotal affront upon him. In short, from the proudest nobleman down to the meanest serf, the whole body of Roman catholics were rendered sensible of their inferior posture in the state. The stigma was pointed at-men became exasperated at their grievances when they were roused to their perception; a mirror was held up to Ireland, and when she beheld the brand upon her forehead, it began to burn. Reviled as the catholic demagogues have been, still did they not accomplish great things when they succeeded in marshalling and bringing the whole population of the country into array? The English people had been previously taught to hold the Irish catholics in contempt; but when they saw that such an immense population was actuated by one indignant sentiment, and was combined in an impassioned, but not the less effectual, organisation, and, above all, when they perceived £1,000 a-week pouring into the exchequer, their alarm was excited, and, although their pride was wounded, they ceased to despise where they had begun to fear. The wonders which were achieved in Waterford, in Armagh, in Monaghan, and in Louth, may be referred to the system of energy which had been adopted. "We are not, after all," said Mr. Sheil, "like the captives of Calcutta, who were allowed to perish rather than that the rajah should be awakened from his sleep. Let not the ministers expect to slumber on undisturbed by the wrongs and unaroused by the cries of Ireland. Ireland shall thunder at, though she may not be able to break open, their doors, till the ministers shall themselves exclaim, Wake, England, with this knocking!' We must keep perpetually in view the necessity of adapting ourselves to the passions of the Irish, as well as of soothing the prejudices of the English people. This never should be lost sight of; and those who are inost inclined to censure our conduct, and are sometimes at a loss to account for our violence, as it is called, will find, in this simple remark, the obvious clue to our policy. Whatever we do, men will always be found to cavil at our proceedings; and this being the inevitable consequence of whatever course we pursue, I prefer the bold and manly system to the base and servile, which would equally supply arguments against our course. If I am to be treated like a dog, I had rather be chained up as a furious hound, than beaten like a well-bred spaniel, and repaid with blows for my sycophancy and fawning. But, independently of the superior manliness of taking a bold and determined course, and of calling the attention of the whole empire—and, I may add, of the world-to the oppression of the Irish catholics, which is so disgraceful to the English nation, and makes all Europe cry out 'Shame!' the more honourable is also, I have no doubt, the wisest course. Nothing but the permanent exigency of concession will produce it. It is for us to generate that exigency. How is that to be effected? By rousing, consolidating, and.

A.D. 1828.]

organising the energies of the people. There are manyaye, and in our own body-who tell us that we should approach the legislature in base and servile attitude, as if Ireland should be fearful lest the reiteration of her complaints should weary the honourable house; and she should preface her supplications with an apology for her intrusion. Let me not be told of the pride of the English people. If they are proud, they will eventually respect us the more for adopting a little of their own character and demeanour. The tone and the attitude of Ireland should correspond with her increasing importance and power. She should stand at the bar of the legislature erect and independent, and, stretching forth her vigorous and gigantic arm, she should remind her oppressors of the infraction of treaties, of the breach of contracts, of the violation of all right, of the outrage upon all honour; and, having demonstrated her injuries, having disclosed all her wrongs, having torn open her bosom, if I may so say, and shown the hideous cancer of faction, eating to the heart, and corroding the life and substance of her being, she should tell them that she will be eventually as strong as she is miserable, and exclaim, Do me justice-rescue me from wretchedness and from distraction-give me back my liberty-raise me to the place I should maintain in the empire-give me back my spoliated rights-restore me to my violated franchises-give me back my liberty, or I pause upon the brink of the alternative to which I had hurried, and, receding from it, leave it to you to complete the

sentence." *

Shortly before the Clare election, Mr. O'Connell established the order of "Liberators," as a mode of expressing the gratitude and confidence of the people for past services. Its objects were to prevent the formation or continuance of secret societies; to conciliate all classes in one bond of brotherhood and affection," so that all religious animosities may cease among Irishmen;" to bury in total and eternal oblivion all ancient animosities and reproaches; to prevent feuds and riots, and faction fights at fairs, markets, and patrons; to promote the collection of a national fund far national purposes; to protect voters from the vengeance of their landlords, and to watch over their registration; "to promote the system of dealing exclusively with the friends of civil and religious liberty, protestant and catholic, with the selection, where choice can be made, of protestant friends being the most disinterested of the two; also, to prevent, as much as possible, all dealing with the enemies of Ireland, whether protestant, Orangemen, or Orange catholics, the worst of all Orangists; to promote the exclusive use of articles the growth and manufacture of Ireland."

The system of exclusive dealing thus recommended was a system of social corruption and social persecution. while the attempt to serve Ireland by the exclusive use of articles of Irish produce only showed Mr. O'Connell's ignorance of political economy. The system, however, was soon

abandoned.

The impression among the Roman catholics after the Clare election was, that emancipation was virtually won.

*Sheil's Speeches," p. 452.

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So strong was the feeling of exultation that immediately after the catholic rent reached the sum of £2,704 in one week; the next week it was £1,427; and though it soon after went to £500 a week, it showed the strength of the popular enthusiasm. Liberator clubs were established in every part of the country. They were branches of the association; but each had its own peculiar organisation, its internal management, and its working committees. By means of this machinery the whole population of the country could be moved at any moment, and in any direction. This is a very remarkable fact, taken in connection with the theory of the impulsive and fickle character of the Celtic race, their averseness to order and method, and the difficulty of getting them to pursue any course systematically. O'Connell, a man of Celtic blood, was one of the greatest methodisers of his day; and there is scarcely an example in history of any popular leader having wrought an oppressed race, consisting of six millions of people, always prone to division, into an organisation so compact that he could wield the fierce democracy at his will, and bid defiance to the most powerful state in the world to suppress the voluntary system of government he had established. This is, perhaps, the most singular and instructive fact in the whole career of the great agitator.

An impression got abroad, soon after the 'Clare election, that the duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel were wavering on the catholic question; and in the month of August following a profound sensation was produced by a speech made by Mr. Dawson, one of the members for Londonderry. Mr. Dawson was the brother-in-law of the home secretary. The latter represented Oxford university, having beaten Canning out of the field, as the champion of protestant ascendancy. The former represented the greatest stronghold of protestantism in Ireland, the very last of all its constituencies to tolerate a departure from its own inspiring watchword, No surrender." Mr. Dawson had been a most uncompromising antagonist of the catholic claims. We cannot wonder, then, at the startling effect, which ran like an electric shock through the country, when such a man-a member of the government—at a public banquet, in the midst of the local chiefs of conservatism within the walls of Derry, surrounded by all the memorials of the glorious revolution of 1688, pronounced the word "Surrender." He was described as the "pilot balloon," to show the direction in which the wind blew in high quarters. His memorable speech on this occasion is part of Irish history and of English history, too; for it referred to matters which had occupied the British parliament for years, and during this year absorbed nearly the whole attention of the cabinet. It had wrecked many an administration, and the present one, with the greatest captain of modern times, was struggling among the breakers.

"I have not stayed here," said Mr. Dawson, for a trifling object, such as to drink the glorious memory, or to cheer the 'prentice boys. It is my duty, as I am here, to state to the meeting my opinion with respect to the catholic question; and I beg the attention of this company to the condition in which, in my opinion, this subject has

reduced the country. In place of an exclusive devotion to the business of life, and an industrious pursuit of the professional occupations-the only certain road to wealth and eminence-this question has made every man, from the peer to the peasant, a politician; it is the absorbing topic of every man's discourse, and it is, in consequence, the plentiful parent of exaggerated fears, of unmeasured pretensions, of personal hatred, of religious fury, of political strife, of calumny, of abuse and persecution, such as is not to be found in any other part of the civilised world. No matter what your pursuits, no matter what your disposition may be, the subject pursues you in every part of the country. It is the prevailing topic at your breakfasttable, of your dinner-table, of your supper-tablet. It is the subject of debate among men; it is the cause of alarm among women. It meets you at the castle of Dublin; it meets you at the house of the country gentleman; it creeps into the courts of justice; it is to be found at the grand jury; it is to be seen at the markets and fairs; it is to be found even at our places of amusement; it meets you wherever you go! Would that the evil ended here! but we may see what the mischief of such a state of things must be in the convulsed state of society, and the annihilation of all those ties upon which the well-being of society depends. The state of Ireland is an anomaly in the history of civilised nations; it has no parallel in ancient or modern history, and, being contrary to the character of all civil institutions, it must terminate in general anarchy and confusion. It is true that we have a government to which outward obedience is shown, which is responsible to parliament and answerable to God for the manner of administering its functions; but it is equally true that an immense majority of the people look up, not to the legitimate government, but to an irresponsible and to a self-constituted association for the administration of the affairs of the country. The peace of Ireland depends not upon the government of the KING, but upon that of the Catholic Association. (Loud cries of "More's the shame! Why not put it down?") It has defied the government, and trampled upon the law of the land, and it is beyond contradiction that the same power that banished a cabinet minister from the representation of his county, because he was a minister of the king, can maintain or disturb the peace of the country just as it suits their caprice or ambition. The danger impends over every institution established by law. The church enjoys its dignity, and the clergy enjoy their revenues by the law of the land; but we know not how soon it may please the Catholic Association to issue their anathema against the payment of tithes; and what man is hardy enough to say that the catholic will disobey its mandates? It depends upon the Catholic Association, no man can deny it, whether the clergy are to receive their incomes or not. (Uproar.) The condition of landlords is not more consoling. Already they have been robbed of their influence over their tenantry-already they have become mere cyphers upon their estates; nay, in many places they are worse than cyphers; they have been forced to become the tools of their domineering masters, the catholic priesthood-and it depends upon a single breath, a single resolution of the Catholic Association,

whether the landlords are to be robbed of their rents or not. So perfect a system of organisation was never yet achieved by any body not possessing the legitimate powers of government. It is powerful, it is arrogant—it derides and it has triumphed over the enactments of the legislature, and is filling its coffers from the voluntary contributions of the people. What I say is, that the Catholic Association, by securing the voluntary contributions of the people, consolidated to itself a power by which it may supply the sinews of war, or undermine, by endless litigation and persecution, the established institutions of the country. Such is the power of this new phenomenon; and I will ask any man has it been slow to exercise its influence? In every place where the catholic population predominates, it is all powerful and irresistible; it has subdued two-thirds of Ireland by its denunciations, more completely than Oliver Cromwell or king William ever subdued the country by the sword. The aristocracy, the clergy, the gentry, are all prostrate before it. In those devoted regions, a perfect abandonment of all the dignity and influence belonging to station and rank seems to have taken place; or, if a struggle be made, as in Clare, it is only to insure the triumph of this daring autocrat. In those parts of Ireland where the protestant and catholic population is pretty equally divided, the same influence is felt, if not in so exaggerated a degree, at least so mischievously, that comfort and security are alike uncertain. Amongst the two classes we see distrust and suspicion, a perfect alienation from each other in sentiment and habit, and an ill-suppressed desire to measure each other's strength by open warfare. The institutions of society are reviled, the predominance of authority is lost, the confidence of the people in the impartiality of the courts of justice is certainly much impaired, the magistracy is condemned or supported as it is supposed to lean to the Orangemen or the Roman catholics, and even trade and barter are regulated by the same unhappy distinctions of religious feeling. Such, gentlemen, is really the true picture of this country-a country possessing every material, by the bounty of God and the intelligence of the natives, to become great, powerful, and wealthy; but in which every hope is blasted and every exertion frustrated by the unhappy dissensions of its inhabitants. And now, gentlemen, it is time to ask ourselves the question, What must be the result of such a disordered state of things, and such a complete overthrow of all the relations of society? Some gentlemen will say, Rebellion; and the sooner it comes the sooner we shall be able to crush it. (Loud cheers, which lasted several minutes.) Now, I entertain a very different opinion. It is not the interest, and I believe it is not the wish, of the Roman catholic leaders to drive the people into rebellion. We have the best security for the purity of their intentions in that respect, in the stake they hold in the country, and in the moral conviction that they would be the first victims of a rebellion. If a rebellion should take place, it will not be from the orders or example of the Roman catholic leaders (hisses), but from the readiness of the two contending parties to come into conflict with each other, and from the total impossibility of checking the ebullition of popular frenzy if the two parties be goaded