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HARLAN F. STONE, New York, New York.
EUGENE C. MASSIE, Richmond, Virginia.
GEORGE P. COSTIGAN, JR., Chicago, Illinois.
EDWARD Q. KEASBEY, Newark, New Jersey.
ROBERT F. BLAIR, Tulsa, Oklahoma.
GEORGE B. ROSE, Little Rock, Arkansas.

LAW OF AVIATION.

CHARLES A. BOSTON, New York, New York.

ORRIN N. CARTER, Chicago, Illinois.

WILLIAM P. BYNUM, Greensboro, North Carolina. GEORGE G. BOGERT, Ithaca, New York.

WILLIAM P. MACCRACKEN, Chicago, Illinois.

LEGAL AID.

CHARLES E. HUGHES, New York, New York. ERNEST L. TUSTIN, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. REGINALD HEBER SMITH, Boston, Massachusetts. FORREST C. DONNELL, St. Louis, Missouri. WILLIAM R. VANCE, New Haven, Connecticut.

APPENDIX

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT.

BY

HAMPTON L. CARSON,

OF PENNSYLVANIA.

THE EVOLUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.

My theme is The Evolution of Representative Constitutional Government. Our system, though often written and spoken of as Democratic, is not and never has been a pure democracy. It is representative, responsible representative government. More than sixteen centuries have made it so, and so it will remain unless our children's children empty their veins of our blood, and blot out all traces of their institutional ancestry.

A Rousseau might declare that "the happiest people in the world were a company of peasants sitting under the shade of an oak conducting public affairs with a degree of wisdom and equity that do honor to human nature"; a Tom Paine might write that "when the people of a community were ready for government some convenient tree will afford them a state house under the branches of which the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters," and that in such a parliament "every man by natural right will have a seat," but a hard headed John Adams would ask: "Where is the plain large enough to hold them, and what are the means and how long would be the time necessary to assemble them together?" Even citizen A. would see that as the colony increased in size it would be necessary for the multitude in some form to agree to leave the management of the legislative part, to say nothing of executive and judicial functions, to men selected from the mass to transact the public business. Indeed the smallest town meeting will select a chairman and appoint committees. The unsurmountable difficulty is that it is inherently impracticable for the people collectively to discuss and determine matters of legislation, just as it is impossible for them in mass to execute the laws or to administer justice without organs, (151) ·

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