its Home Rule agreement. Ulster stands to-day as England's only avowed reason for refusing to grant Ireland any measure of self-government. Ulster "prefers death" to Home Rule, and England cannot find it in her heart to "coerce" the loyal subjects that cling to the Crown with such sublime devotion.

With the British government as an interpreting voice, the world knows little enough of Irish history as a whole, while as for Irish internal affairs, ignorance is so profound as to be almost solemn. The average American, for instance, has a general impression that Ulster is at least half of Ireland; that it is settled solidly by Scotch Presbyterians, worthy people, even if somewhat inclined to take life gloomily; that it is a unit against

Home Rule; and, even when sympathetic with the Irish cause, he is apt to feel that Ulster presents a "very serious problem." This is the view that England desires the world to take, and it has diffused this point of view very carefully and cleverly by written and spoken word until it has taken hold of the subconscious thought of the great majority of people. What, then, are the facts? The Ulster claim to special and preferred treatment, as set forth by its leaders and assented to by the British government, may be fairly summarized as follows:

(1) Ulster is a homogeneous Unionist and Protestant community.

(2) Ulster has all the wealth and industry of Ireland, and Home Rule would merely place thrift and enterprise at the mercy of ignorance and improvidence.

(3) The prosperity of Ulster is due entirely to English rule, and, rather than be divorced from this beneficent sovereignty, Ulster will fight to the death.

(4) Home Rule would subject this Protestant minority to the despotism of Rome and the bigotries of the Roman Catholic majority.

Ulster is one of the four provinces of Ireland and contains nine counties. The other

three provinces-Leinster, Munster, and Connaught-have twenty-three counties. The population of Ulster is 1,581,696; that of Ireland as a whole is 4,375,554. It is admittedly the case, therefore, that the few are blocking the will of the many; it is this stubborn resistance of a minority that goes out to the world as evidence of "Irish inability to agree." Acceptance of any such doctrine would have prevented the formation of the United States of America; if accepted to-day in the case of new nations there will be no Czecho-Slovakia, no Poland, no Jugo-Slavic state, and Alsace-Lorraine must be broken into French pieces and German bits, for in all are bitter minorities of no small size.

Also, viewed obviously, there is amazement, to say the least, in the fact that none of those most prominent in the "Ulster rebellion" has any real connection with Ulster by birth or residence. Sir Edward Carson did not even represent an Ulster constituency until put up for a Belfast seat in December, 1918; Sir Frederick E. Smith, the "Galloper of Ulster," is an English lawyer; Bonar Law is a Scotch-Canadian; General Richardson and General Wilson, who organized and drilled the Ulster rebels, are

SIR EDWARD CARSON REVIEWING THE ULSTER REBELS. AT HIS SIDE STAND GENERAL RICHARDSON AND COL. HACKETT PAIN, HIS ENGLISH DRILLMASTERS