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abilities remain, we have relied on your integrity; yet we cannot but lament, that at the moment we stood in need of all the influence of fuch a character, its brightness fhould have been shaded, and its weight loft to the nation, by being placed in a station in which, however chaste, it may at least be suspected. But waving at present the confideration of this subject, we now call upon you, as one of our representatives, as you value our future approbation and fupport, to give your fullest affiftance to the following meafures, whenever they shall be propofed in parliament, viz. a declaration of our national rights; an ademption of the affumed power of the privy council to ftop or alter bills; a mutiny bill limited in its duration; a bill rendering the judges independent of the crown; and a bill to reduce the expences of the nation to a level with its revenues, as we cannot conceive a conduct more infane, than for a people scarce emerging from ruin, like a profligate heir, to anticipate its funds, and ground certain extravagance on uncertain profperity.

SIR,

To W. P. KEATING FRENCH, Efq.

THE prefent period calls upon every man in this country to take an active and decided part in the common caufe. The nation is not now to be trifled with. Upon our conduct at this eventful hour depends the establishment of our conftitution, and the liberties of unborn generations. We shall not, Sir, fuffer our attention to be drawn from the great objects in which we are engaged, by a retrospect into your past parliamentary conduct, however diffonant in many points from our opinions; but we call upon you, you value our future approbation, to give your fulleft fupport to the following measures, whenever they fhall be agitated in parliament, viz. a declaration of our national rights; an ademption of the power of the privy council to stop or alter bills; a mutiny bill limited in its duration; a bill to render the judges independent of the crown; and a bill to reduce the national expences to a level with its revenues.

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At a Meeting of the Electors of the University, on the 3d of April, the following Addrefs was unanimously agreed to, and ordered to be prefented to their Representatives.

To the Right Honorable Walter Burgh and John Fitzgibbon, Efq. Representatives in Parliament for the University of Dublin.

GENTLEMEN,

WHEN the murmurs of a people, struggling for their rights, have been heard even in the quiet retreat of science, we should deem it a breach of duty to our countrymen and ourselves, did we neglect to second their virtuous exertions: we are never forward in political contests; we shall always be decided and steady; although we have not been the first to complain of, yet, we have not been the last to feel, the repeated injuries this country has fuffered, not only from those who may have separate duties and separate interests, but from men who are bound by the strongest duty, and the dearest interest, to vindicate its rights, and cherish its prosperity.

The power of binding Ireland by acts of a foreign legislature, is what nothing but a spirit of arrogance or oppreffion would infist upon, nothing but the most abject servility submit to; for we cannot suppose, that the appearance of a claim, which irritates the whole body of the people, would be retained, unless there was an intention of enforcing this claim hereafter; we are therefore convinced, that an exprefs declaration of rights, is the only measure upon which this country can build its legislative independence, and that a reluctance to affert the conftitution of the land, may furnish Great Britain with a pretence for denying the juftice of our requifition.

We do not think the prefent fituation of Great Britain to be any objection against fuch a declaration, as we can never fuppofe that the could derive ftrength from our weakness, or any fecurity to her liberties from the oppreffion of ours; and that time is undoubtedly to be preferred for the affertion of our right, when the object is likely to be obtained with the leaft ftruggle. The insecure attachment of Ireland to the crown of England at a former period, furnished a pretext for divefting the houfes of parliament of their right to originate bills, unless previously certified into England under the great feal of this kingdom; now, as the loyalty of this country for several centuries, fo often tried, and fo often acknowledged, has removed every

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caufe of diftruft; we conceive that this injurious and humiliating restriction fhould alfo cease.

The dependence of the judges of Ireland on the will of the fovereign, may, in the hands of an aspiring monarch, prove a powerful inftrument of oppreffion; now, holding ourselves entitled to every conftitutional fecurity which our fifter kingdom poffeffes, we confider it neceffary that the judges of this kingdom fhould be made equally independent with thofe of Great Britain.

But fince every advantage, which could refult from these reformations must be precarious, as long as a perpetual mutiny bill exifts, by which force may be made to fuperfede right, and the foldiery of Ireland are fubject to trial and punishment by any future articles of war, which the king and privy council of Great Britain may think proper to adopt; we are perfuaded, that every conceffion must be imperfect, unless accompanied by the repeal of fo dangerous a law.

We therefore expect you will exert your moft ftrenuous efforts, to obtain a declaration of the rights of Ireland: a repeal or fatisfactory explanation of the law of Poynings; an act for making the tenure of the judges independent of the crown; and a repeal of the perpetual mutiny bill.

We declare, that these are our fixed and unalterable fentiments, and we are convinced, that nothing short of the requifitions herein contained, can be, in any degree, fatisfactory to the people of Ireland.

It is our wish to render the connexion between this country and Great Britain, as close and permanent as poffible, and we are perfuaded, that this is only to be accomplished by abolishing all ufurped authority of the one over the other, and removing every invidious distinction between the constitutions of two countries equally intitled to be free.

To this Addrefs the following Anfwers were returned.
To the Electors of the University.

GENTLEMEN,

WHEN I reflect on my paft parliamentary conduct, it affords me the highest fatisfaction, to find that it entirely corresponds with the tenor of your inftructions. Whenever the objects that you recommend have come into difcuffion, I have given them my uniform and decided fupport. My conduct has been founded upon principles, which no motives of

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interest or ambition have been able to shake, and in which I fhall persevere unto the laft hour of my life.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

Gentlemen,

Your most faithful humble fervant,

WALTER BURGH.

GENTLEMEN,

To the Electors of Trinity College.

I AM juft now honored with your inftructions, which have been forwarded to me by poft. Be affured, that I fhall always feel the utmost fatisfaction in receiving the instructions of that very great and respectable body, which I have the honor to reprefent, and that you shall ever find me ready, to the best of my ability, to vindicate your rights.

I have always been of opinion, that the claim of the British parliament to make laws for this country, is a daring ufurpation on the rights of a free people, and have uniformly afferted this opinion both in public and in private. When a declaration of the legislative right was moved in the House of Commons, I did oppose it, upon a decided conviction, that it was a measure of a dangerous tendency, and withal inadequate to the purpose for which it was intended. However, I do, without hesitation, yield my own opinion upon this fubject to yours, and will, whenever fuch a declaration fhall be moved, give it my fupport.

With refpect to an explanation of the law of Poynings, I confefs, the more I confider the fubject, the more difficult it appears to me. Allow me to remind you, that the University did, upon a very recent occafion, experience that this law, in its prefent form, may operate beneficially. A total repeal of it, will I hope, on confideration, appear to you to be not, by any means, a defirable object. You may reft affured, that the beft attention which I can give to the fubject fhall be exerted; and I truft and doubt not, that upon a communication with you upon this topic, I fhall be able to give you full fatisfaction.

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agree with you moft warmly, that any advantage, which we may derive from reformation must be precarious, fo long as the articles of war fhall continue to be a permanent and established branch of municipal law, which they certainly are under the present act for regulating the king's army in Ireland.

I have not a doubt, in my mind, that a perpetual mutiny law lays the foundation of a military government in this country; upon this principle I did oppose it as ftrenuously as I could, from the first moment it was introduced into the House of Commons, and upon this principle I will, whilst I live, make every effort within my power to procure a repeal of it. The adminiftration of justice in this country is certainly an object of the first importance, and therefore I will, at all times, concur in any measure, which can be proposed to make the judges of the land independent and refpectable. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,

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From the Debates in the British Houfe of Commons. (Page 587.)

THE Right Honorable T. Townshend spoke fully upon the privileges of the House of Commons. He maintained, that the only true fubstantial meaning or idea thofe privileges conveyed was that they were the indubitable right of all the commons of England, who had one general intereft in them. That to be fure in a more confined fenfe, they were particularly applied first to that house, as a deliberative body, and one of the branches of the legislatur. Secondly to the individual members who compofe that body. He did not intend to make them, however, the fubject of this day's business; they were but of fecondary, nay indeed of very inferior confequence, when opposed to that great privilege, the power of granting money, of keeping the purse of their constituents fafe from the hands of violence, art or fraud. This was a trust of the first magnitude; in fact, it included every other; for fo long as that was preferved inviolate, the crown would remain under the constitutional controul of parliament; fo foon as that was wrested by open force, defeated by indirect means, or done away by fraud, the liberties and the privileges of the people would be for ever annihilated. He expatiated on the commend

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