this country should attempt to coerce Ireland, and fucceed in the attempt, the confequence would be, that, at the breaking out of every war with any foreign power, the first step must be to fend troops over to fecure Ireland, inftead of calling upon her to give a willing fupport to the common caufe. As the people of Ireland had one and all declared, that they would not execute or obey any order of any English tribunal, it would therefore be nugatory and abfurd to maintain the appellant jurifdiction to Great Britain; and confequently it would be better to give it up with a good grace, than to keep it as a bone of contention between the two countries. He came next to the modification of the law of Poynings, which he was free to confess appeared to him improper: and therefore he could have no objection to advise his majesty to confent to the modification, that they required of that law; but he was convinced that, like the 6th of George I. this power of altering might have still remained, if an improper ufe had not been made of it; but to his knowledge it had been grofsly abused; in one instance in particular, a bill had been fent over to England two years ago, granting, and very wifely and very juftly granting, indulgencies to the Roman Catholics; in that fame bill there was a clause in favor of the Diffenters for repealing the facramental teft; this claufe was ftruck out, contrary, in his opinion, to found policy, as the alteration tended to make an improper difcrimination between two descriptions of men, which did not tend to the union o the people. It was by fuch conduct, that the Irish were driven to pronounce the interference of the English privy council in altering their bills, a grievance, though in his opinion, the power would never have been complained of, if it had never been abufed. He came laftly to the mutiny bill, and he freely confeffed, that it was no matter of furprize, that the Irish should object to a claufe which gave a perpetual establishment to a military force in their country; and fo hoftile did he deem fuch a claufe to the conftitution of England as well as of Ireland, that if the Irish had never mentioned this law among their grievances, he would have held it to be his duty, as an Englishman, to have recommended the repeal of it. Ireland had spoken out, and clearly and plainly stated what he wanted; he would be as open with her, and though he might perhaps have been better pleased, if the mode of afking had been different, ftill he would meet her upon her own terms, and give her every thing the wanted, in the way, which the herself wifhed for it. She therefore could have no reason to complain; the terms acceded to by Eng

land, were proposed by herself; the manner of redrefs had been prescribed by herself, and all her wishes would now be gratified in the way which the herfelf liked beft: but as it was poffible, that if nothing more was to be done, than what he had ftated to be his intention, Ireland might perhaps think of freth grievances, and rife yearly in her demands; it was fit and proper that fomething fhould be now done towards establishing on a firm and folid basis, the future connexion of the two kingdoms. But that was not to be propofed by him in parliament; it would be the duty of the crown to look to that; the business might be first begun by his majesty's fervants in Ireland; and if afterwards it should be neceffary to enter into a treaty, commiffioners might be fent from the British parliament, or from the crown, to enter upon it, and bring the negociation to a happy iffue, by giving mutual fatisfaction to both countries, and eftablishing a treaty which fhould be fanctified by the most folemn forms of the conftitutions of both countries. He entertained no gloomy thoughts with refpect to Ireland: he had not a doubt but he would be fatisfied with the manner, in which England was about to comply with her demands; and that in affection, as well as in intereft, they would be but one people. If any man entertained gloomy ideas, he defired him to look at the concluding paragraph of the Irish addreffes, where he would find, that the Irish people and parliament were filled with the moft earneft defire to fupport England, to have the fame enemy and the fame friend; in a word, to stand or fall with England. He defired gentlemen to look forward to that happy period, when Ireland should experience the bleffings that attend freedom of trade and conftitution; when by the richness and fertility of her foil, the industry of her manufacturers, and the increase of her population, the fhould become a powerful country: then might England look for powerful affiftance in feamen to man her fleets, and foldiers to fight her battles. England renouncing all right to legislate for Ireland, the latter would most cordially fupport the former as a friend, whom she loved; if this country on the other hand, were to affume the power of making laws for Ireland, she must only make an enemy inftead of a friend; for where there is not a community of interefts, and a mutual regard for thofe interefts, there the party, whofe interefts are facrificed, becomes an enemy. The inteftine divisions of Ireland were no more; the religious prejudices of former ages were forgotten, and the Roman Catholics being reftored to the rights of men and citizens, would become an acceffion of ftrength and wealth to the empire at large, instead

of

of being a burthen to the land, that bore them. The Diffenters had tasted of the liberality of the legislature, and now in common with their Roman Catholic brethren would enjoy that happy toleration, which does not confer more happiness on thofe, who are the objects of it, than it does honor to thofe, who establish it.

Upon the whole he was conviuced, that the Irish defired nothing more ardently than proper grounds for being moft cordially united to England; and he was fure, that they would be attached to this country, even to bigotry. Of the volunteers, he muft fpeak refpectfully: they had acted with temper and moderation, notwithstanding their steadiness: and he must in justice to them, and to his own principles, declare, that they had not done a single act, for which they had not his veneration and refpect; and whatever blame there might be difcovered in the courfe of the bufinefs, he did not impute a particle of it to Ireland, but laid it all at the door of the late adminiftration. He concluded by moving, "that it is the opinion of this committee, that the act of the 6th of George I. entitled An act for better fecuring the dependence of "Ireland on the crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed." He juft obferved, that this would be a pledge to the Irish of the fincerity of his majesty's minifters to deal fairly and openly with Ireland, through the whole of this important business. Mr. T. Pitt, and feveral other gentlemen, who had before taken a part against Ireland, spoke in fupport of the motion: even Mr. Eden was forward in fupporting it. The queftion was carried unanimoufly.

Mr. Fox then moved for leave to bring in a bill for repealing the 6th of George I. and then, that an address fhould be presented to his majesty, praying, that he would be graciously pleased to take fuch fteps, as fhould tend to render the connexion between the two kingdoms folid and permanent. And laftly, that it was the opinion of the committee, that the interefts of the two kingdoms were infeparable, and that their connexion ought to be founded on a folid and permanent bafis; which motions and refolution were unanimously agreed to.

In the meanwhile a correfpondence between the members of the two countries was kept up. A letter was written on the 20th of May, 1782, by the Duke of Portland, to Mr. Fox, in answer to a dispatch received from him. "I fhould be very glad to hear that Lord Charlemont was inclined to accede "to any part, or even to the idea of fuch a plan as you have communicated

"to

"to me; I fhould think it a material ftep to that fituation, in which it is the "clear intereft of both kingdoms to be placed, being convinced, that what is "most like union, is the most probable bond of connexion to reftore and perpetuate the harmony and profperity of the two countries." The Marquis of Rockingham wrote about the fame time to the fame effect. His letter is dated the 25th of May: "The effential points on the part of Ireland now ac"ceded to, will, I truft, establish a perfect cordiality between the two countries; and as there cannot now exift any ground of contest or jealousy be"tween them on matters of right, the only object left for both will be, how finally to arrange, fettle, and adjust all matters, whereby the union of power, ftrength, and mutual and reciprocal advantage will be beft permanently "fixed. I obferve, in Lord Shelburne's letter to your Grace of the 18th of May, he ftates more reluctance to the idea of commiffioners than I should "judge to be the general opinion of his majefty's fervants; the measure may "be doubtful; but if approved by the leading gentlemen of Ireland, might "be productive of much good."

On the 27th of May, 1782, the parliament of Ireland met according to adjournment, when his Grace the Duke of Portland made the following speech from the throne:*

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"IT gives me the utmost fatisfaction that, the first time I "have occasion to addrefs you, I find myself enabled, by the magnanimity "of the king, and the wifdom of the parliament of Great Britain, to affure you, that immediate attention has been paid to your representations; and "that the British legislature have concurred in a refolution to remove the "caufes of your difcontents and jealoufies, and are united in a defire to gratify every with expreffed in your late addreffes to the throne.

"If any thing could add to the pleafure I feel in giving you these affurances, it is, that I can accompany them with my congratulations on the important and decifive victory gained by the fleets of his majefty, over thofe "of our common enemy in the Weft-Indies, and on the fignal advantage "obtained by his majesty's arms in the island of Ceylon, and on the coast of "Coromandel.

By the papers, which in obedience to his majesty's commands, I have di"rected to be laid before you, you will receive the most convincing teftimony

"of the cordial reception, which your reprefentations have met with from the legislature of Great Britain; but his majefty, whofe first and most earnest "with, is to exercife his royal prerogative in fuch a manner, as may be most "conducive to the welfare of all his faithful fubjects, has further given me in "command, to affure you of his gracious difpofition to give his royal affent "to acts to prevent the fuppreffion of bills in the privy council of this king"dom, and the alteration of them any where; and to limit the duration of "the act for the better regulation and accommodation of his majesty's forces " in this kingdom to the term of two years.

"Thefe benevolent intentions of his majefty, and the willingness of his par"liament of Great Britain to fecond his gracious purposes, are unaccompa"nied by any ftipulation or condition whatever. The good faith, the gene"rofity, the honor of this nation, afford them the fureft pledge of a correfponding difpofition on your part to promote and perpetuate the harmony, "the stability, and the glory of the empire.

"On my own part I entertain not the least doubt, but that the fame spirit, "which urged you to share the freedom of Great Britain, will confirm you in your determination to fhare her fate alfo, ftanding and falling with the Bri"tish nation."

After the speech was read, Mr. Grattan called the attention of the house to a fubject of the highest importance, and then spoke as follows:-" I should "defert every principle, upon which I moved the former address, (requiring "a restoration of the rights of Ireland,) did I not bear teftimony to the can“did and unqualified manner, in which that address has been answered by "the lord lieutenant's fpeech of this day. I understand that Great Britain gives up in toto every claim to authority over Ireland. I have not the least "idea, that in repealing the 6th of George I. Great Britain fhould be bounden "to make any declaration, that the had formerly ufurped a power. No, "this would be a foolish caution; a dishonorable condition. The nation that "infifts upon the humiliation of another, is a foolish nation. Ireland is not a "foolish nation. Another part of great magnanimity in the conduct of Bri"tain is, that every thing is given up unconditionally. This muft for ever "remove fufpicion. On former occafions, when little acts of relief were done for Ireland, it was premifed, that it was expedient to do them; no fuch

* 1 Parl. Debates, p. 855.

"word