Mr. Fitzgibbon and Mr. Scott, the attorney general, spoke on the independent rights of Ireland with as much enthufiafin, as the highest flying patriot under the late adminiftration. They both pointedly reprobated the appellant jurifdiction to the Houfe of Lords in Great Britain, and followed Mr. Grattan in calling upon their countrymen to renounce it for ever. It is but juftice to those noble patriots, by whofe perfevering and undaunted efforts Ireland regained her rights, to hand down to posterity fome of the avowals and honorable teftimonials of thofe very perfons, who marshalled the ranks, who ftimulated the spirit, who led on the charge of their opponents in the long unavailing struggle for liberty.

Mr. Fitzgibbon, referring to his former declaration, "that as he had been cautious in committing his country, fo now that it was committed, he would be firm in fupporting its rights;" faid, that as the right of making. laws to bind Ireland lay in their King, Lords, and Commons, to the total exclufion of all foreign interference, it was idle to fuppofe that any appeal ought to lie from the law courts there: and the attorney general faid, he was perfuaded, that if after what had paffed and been preffed by fo many gentlemen of confideration and diftinction he fhould remain filent, there was not a man in that houfe, who would not attribute it to fear, paltry fear of lofing his office and fituation; he had, he confeffed, heretofore protracted, postponed, palliated, and endeavoured to footh that country from declarations or acts of extremity; his fentiments had been much mifreprefented to his difadvantage; but he was not furprised or offended, that the nation, eager in the pursuit of a great and favourite object, fhould have confidered any man, who feemed to differ from them in fentiment, as an object of deteftation and refentment. He thought it better, that every object of thofe British laws should be doomed to deftruction, than that his country fhould longer even be fuppofed to be in a state of flavery; he therefore called the attention of the house, to bear witness, that by holding a myfterious or equivocal filence longer upon the fubject of right, he fhould do equal injury to the interefts of Great Britain and Ireland. He did confequently, as a lawyer, a faithful fervant to the crown, a well-wifher to both countries, and an honeft Irishman, in the moft unqualified, unlimited, and explicit manner, declare his opinion, that Great Britain had no right whatfoever to bind that country by any law; and that such acts as had been paffed for that purpose in Great Britain, were founded in ufurpation or the neceffity and confufion of the times; that he

never had a doubt upon the question of right, though from motives of prudence and a defire of peace, he had heretofore thought it neceffary not to declare any opinion upon the queftion of right. Their conduct during the prefent American war entitles them, he faid, to more than they asked. Another event which had lately happened, and made it neceffary for him to fpeak out, was Mr. Wallace's bill, offering freedom to America. This act operated as an act of pains and penalties to the loyalty of Ireland; for if America be declared free, and Ireland left in slavery, no man of either spirit, sentiment, or property, would remain in the country an hour after America fhould have been declared independent. Ireland would become the abfolute fink of the univerfe, the only part of the British dominions, which could not boaft the freedom of the British conftitution. As the friend of Great Britain and Ireland, he thought it neceffary to express these fentiments boldly; for if in his fituation he were longer to continue filent, it might be thought in Great Britain, that there was yet a diverfity of opinion in Ireland.

The fituation of Ireland was now fairly brought under the full confideration of his majesty's fervants;* and the neceffary confequence of it, was a proper fenfe of the fpirit, ftrength, and importance of Ireland, and of the neceffity of a cordial co-operation of the two countries for the profperity of the British empire. By accord the whole powers of the state were brought to bear upon the point on the fame day (17 May, 1782) in the houses of both parliaments. The Earl of Shelburne (now Marquis of Lanfdown) in the British House of Peers moved to have the king's meffage, the addreffes of the

*We are informed by Lord Clare (Sp.33) that on the 6th of May the Duke of Portland wrote to Lord Shelburne, recommending to the British cabinet conceffion of all the points demanded by the Irish addreifes," but " ftating his perfect confidence in the readiness of the Irish parlia"ment to co-operate in the most effectual measures either with the king's confidential fervants, or "by commiffioners to be appointed, or through the medium of the chief governor; to fettle the "precife limits of the independence which was required, the confideration which should be given " for the protection expected, and the proportion, which it would be proper for them to contribute "towards the general fupport of the empire; in pursuance of the declaration contained in the concluding paragraph of their own addrefs. The regulation of the trade would make a very neceffary article of the treaty." This communication was made by the Duke of Portland before the claims of Ireland were brought into difcuffion in the British parliament: and plainly on the faith of this representation made to the British cabinet, of the readiness on the part of Ireland to fettle every question of imperial policy or regulation, which might thereafter arife, the fubject of the Irish claims was brought on in the British parliament.

lords

lords and commons of Ireland in return to it, and the 6th of George I. for the better fecuring the dependance of Ireland on the crown of Great Britain, read; and when they had been read, in a moft liberal, inftructive, and conftitutional speech, he difplayed the powers of the accomplished orator and ftatefman. He proposed to lay before their lordships his fentiments, without the least reserve, to make a full difcuffion of one of the most important subjects, that ever came before them, and to obferve in that stage of the business, that fame open, frank, and ftrict conduct, which he had ever obferved in his communication with Ireland. It always had been, and it always fhould be, the line of his conduct, to act openly and without disguife, trusting that, as he spoke his own fentiments freely, and never should attempt to deceive parliament, other lords would exprefs theirs with as little referve; for he wished to invite an open discussion of great national questions. Ireland had demanded by the papers on the table, four things; the first and the most effential to them was a free conftitution, which they would not be faid to enjoy while they were fubject to laws not made with their own confent. But this had long been a fubject of complaint; and it was one of the great grievances required to be redreffed by every part of the Irish in the war which began in 1640.

The claim had at all times been made, and now that Ireland was united, religious disputes all compofed, growing in wealth and strength, and fast improving in all the arts of peace, it was impolitic, it would be unjuft, and he believed he might appeal to their lordships' conviction, that it would be impoffible to refift the claim: he fhould therefore move a repeal of the act he had defired to be read, which would give quiet and fatisfaction to the minds of the Irish, and leave no cause to check the affection and zeal they felt for this country, whose fate they had declared themselves willing to fhare. There was in this act another matter, the judicature of the lords, which he was aware would be thought by fome to be diftinct from the legislature. It happened, that the two fubjects were clearly connected in the act he had moved to repeal; the history of which he fully went into.

That was all he meant to propofe, as matter of parliamentary decifion; but there were other points for the executive power, which he did not mean to diffemble, for in all affairs he defired to be plain, open, and direct. The condition of the Irish parliament was fingularly clogged by ancient statutes, framed for the times, and which, though foftened by practice, were still a

great

great check to their freedom. Their lordships would fee he meant Poynings' law; of the unreasonableness and inconveniency of which he fpoke very fully. The people of Ireland wished to be relieved from it, and either by a repeal, or a modification, he thought it was found wifdom to comply with their defires. The perpetuity of the mutiny act was another fubject of complaint, in which he thought, as it was a matter of internal regulation, it was just to comply with the defire of Ireland, that there fhould be no diftinction between that country and Great Britain. He concluded with expreffing his ftrong reliance on the affection and gratitude, which fuch fair and liberal conceffions would excite, and ftrenuously urged the neceflity of union at that moment with our fifter kingdom, and that the might be made to feel in the language of our holy prayers, that our fervice is perfect freedom.

He concluded with reading two motions;

First, "That it was the opinion of that houfe, that the act of the 6th of George I. intituled, An Act for the better fecuring the dependency of Ire"land upon the Crown of Great Britain, ought to be repealed.”

Second, "That it was the opinion of that houfe, that it was indifpenfable "to the interefts and happiness of both kingdoms, that the connexion be"tween them should be established by mutual confent, upon a folid and per"manent footing, and that an humble address should be presented to his majefty, that his majefty would be graciously pleased to take fuch measures as "his majefty in his royal wifdom fhould think moft conducive to that important end."

When he had moved the fecond,

The Earl of Carlisle, in an elegant fpeech, expreffed his approbation of the motions. He bore ample teftimony to the zeal and loyalty of the Irish, and particularly ftated the honorable conduct of the volunteers, and the liberal offers made of their fervice, when Ireland was threatened with an attack. He faid, that had he been more perfuaded than he was, that Ireland had ever relinquished its right of free legislation, which he knew they neither had, nor could give up, he should still have thought it wife to accede to their claim; because he knew, that from the gratitude and affection of the country, and the wifdom of the parliament, much more advantage would arife to this country, than by maintaining any offenfive and ill-founded pretenfions to control over them.

Lord Camden, Lord Ashburton, the Dukes of Richmond and Chandos,

and indeed the whole House of Peers, eagerly affented to Lord Shelburne's motions, except Lord Loughborough (now Earl of Roselyn), who tenaciously opposed them; and he alone prevented them from paffing Nemine Contradicente. *On the fame day the House of Commons refolved itself into a committee upon the Irish addreffes, when Mr. Fox, with his ufual liberality, candour, and power, faid, he would fpeak as plainly, as roundly, and intelligibly as he could. He confidered the fame four points, to which Lord Shelburne had confined the demands of Ireland, and spoke minutely to each: and first, on the 6th of Geo. I. it had always been his opinion out of office, that it was downright tyranny, to make laws for the internal government of a people, who were not represented among thofe, by whom fuch laws were made. This was an opinion fo founded in juftice, reason, and equity, that in no fituation had he, or would he ever depart from it. Ireland had reafon to spurn at the power of external legiflation, because it had been hitherto employed for the purpofe only of oppreffing and diftreffing her. Had Ireland never been made to feel this power as a curfe, fhe never would have complained of it; fatally for this country, the power of external legislation had been employed against Ireland as an inftrument of oppreffion, to establish an impolitic monopoly in trade; to enrich one country at the expence of the other. When the Irish first complained of this monopoly about four years ago, and afked as favors what they might have claimed as a right, they were oppofed in that house, and their demands, which were no less modeft than juft, were difregarded. The demands were rejected, when the then firft confidential fervant of the crown came down to vote against them; the influence of the minister was exerted, perhaps for the purpose of preserving a few votes on other occafions, and the rights and diftreffes of Ireland were configned to oblivion.

It was his intention not to pursue the footsteps of his predeceffors; and therefore he would agree to the demands of the Irish, relative to the 6th of Geo. I. not because he was intimidated, and afraid to oppofe them; but because he believed them to be founded in justice; for his part he had rather fee Ireland totally separated from the crown of England, than kept in obedience only by force; unwilling fubjects were little better than enemies; it would be better not to have fubjects at all, than to have fuch as would be continually on the watch, to feize the opportunity of making themselves free. If

* 7 Parl. Deb. p. 106.