will perceive, that I allude to the tranfaction at Dungannon: not long ago the meeting at Dungannon was confidered as a very alarming measure, but I thought otherwife; I approved of it, and confidered the meeting of Dungannon as an original tranfaction. As fuch only it was matter of furprize. What more extraordinary tranfaction than the attainment of Magna Charta? It was not attained in parliament, but by the barons, armed, and in the field. A great original tranfaction is not founded in precedent, it contains in itself both reafon and precedent; the revolution had no precedent.

In this country every man has his share in the government; and in order to act or speak, they muft confer. Now, did not neceflity compel them to act? Did not neceffity compel them to speak? And will not their refolutions tend to restore the rights of their country? They refolve, "that a claim of any body of men, other than the king, lords and commons of Ireland, to "make laws to bind this kingdom, is unconftitutional and a grievance."

Is there any man who will deny it, for what were volunteer affociations formed, but for the maintenance of the law? What is Poynings' law, and the unconftitutional power of the Irish or English privy council, but a grievance? What is a perpetual mutiny bill, but a grievance? Is there any man who will deny it, or fay that we have not cause to complain of this execrated ftatute? And if you feel the injury, the people are ready to fupport you. They protest against an independent army; against a dependent legislature; against the abomination of a foreign legislature; against the affumed authority of council, they were more constitutional than more formal affemblies; they have protested only against what parliament ought to redrefs; and pray, fir, have not the constituents a right to inform their reprefentatives? If England wishes well to Ireland, she has nothing to fear from her ftrength. The volunteers of Ireland would die in fupport of England. This nation is connected with England, not by allegiance only, but by liberty. The crown is one great point of union, but Magna Charta is a greater. We could get a king any where, but England is the only country, from which we could get a conftitution. We are not united with England, as Judge Blackftone has foolishly faid, by conqueft, but by charter. Ireland has British privileges, and is by them connected with Britain: both countries are united in liberty. This being the decided fenfe of the nation, the men who endeavoured to make our connexion with England quadrate with this fenfe, are friends to England.

We are friends to England on perfect political equality. This houfe of parliament knows no fuperior; the men of Ireland acknowledge no fuperiors; they have claimed laws under the conftitution, and the independence of parliament under every law of God and man. He then spoke upon the appellant jurifdiction of the house of lords; and he thought, that in order to eradicate every cause of jealoufy, the final judicature should refide in the peers of Ireland.

He again returned to the mutiny bill and Poynings' law, which he condemned in the most forcible manner. He faid, that he wished to become the decided friend of the Duke of Portland, for removing every cause of complaint from Ireland, and that thefe were the terms, on which he was ready to fupport his government:

A repeal of the 6th of George I. including a restoration of the appellant jurifdiction to the lords of Ireland.

An abolition of the unconftitutional power of privy councils.

And a repeal of the mutiny bill.

A judge's bill he refrained from mentioning, as he had heard it was returned.

"I cannot imagine (continued he) that the prefent minifters of England will oppofe thofe rights of the Irish nation; they have been for many years advocates for the liberties of England and of the colonies; it was the great rule of their oppofition, and it is impoffible that men, who are ready to grant independence to America, can oppofe the independence of Ireland."

Mr. Grattan then moved, which was refolved Nem. Con.

"That an humble addrefs fhould be prefented to his majefty, to return his "majefty the thanks of that houfe for his moft gracious meffage.

"To affure his majesty of their unfhaken attachment to his majefty's per"fon and government, and of their lively sense of his paternal care, in thus "taking the lead to adminifter content to his fubjects.

"That thus encouraged by his royal interpofition, they fhould beg leave, "with all duty and affection, to lay before his majesty the cause of their dis"contents and jealoufies. To affure his majefty, that his fubjects of Ireland "were a free people; that the crown of Ireland was an imperial crown, in"feparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connexion the "interefts and happiness of both nations effentially depended: but that the kingdom of Ireland was a distinct kingdom, with a parliament of her own,

the

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"the fole legislature thereof: that there was no body of men competent to "make laws to bind this nation, except the King, Lords, and Commons of "Ireland; nor any other parliament, which had any authority or power, of any fort whatsoever, in that country, fave only the parliament of Ireland. "To affure his majefty, that they humbly conceived, that in that right the very effence of their liberties exifted: a right which, on the part of all the people of Ireland, they claimed as their birth-right, and which they could not yield up but with their lives. To affure his majefty, that they had feen "with concern certain claims advanced by the parliament of Great Britain, "in an act intituled, An Act for the better fecuring the Dependency of Ire"land; an act containing matter entirely irreconcileable to the fundamental rights of that nation. That they conceived that act, and the claims it ad"vanced, to be the great and principal caufe of the difcontents and jealoufies "in that kingdom. To affure his majefty, that his majesty's commons of "Ireland did moft fincerely with, that all the bills, which became law in Ire

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land, fhould receive the approbation of his majefty under the great feal of "Great Britain; but that yet they confidered the practice of fuppreffing "their bills in the council of Ireland, or altering the fame any where, to be "another just cause of discontent and jealousy. To affure his majesty, that an act intituled, An Act for the better Accommodation of his Majesty's "Forces, being unlimited in duration, and defective in other inftances, but paffed in that shape from the particular circumftances of the times, was "another juft caufe of difcontent and jealoufy in that kingdom. That they "had fubmitted these the principal caufes of the present difcontent and jealoufy of Ireland, and remained in humble expectation of redrefs. That "they had the greatest reliance on his majefty's wifdom, the most fanguine expectations from his virtuous choice of a chief governor, and great confidence in the wife, aufpicious, and conftitutional councils, which they saw, "with fatisfaction, his majefty had adopted. That they had moreover, a high fenfe and veneration for the British character, and did therefore conceive, that the proceedings of that country, founded as they were in right, and tempered by duty, muft have excited the approbation and efteem, instead of wounding the pride of the British nation. And they begged "leave to affure his majefty, that they were the more confirmed in this hope, "inafmuch as the people of that kingdom had never expreffed a defire to

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"fhare the freedom of England, without declaring a determination to share "her fate likewife, ftanding and falling with the British nation.”

Although the short space of fix weeks had scarcely elapfed, fince the House of Commons had triumphantly boafted of their steady adherence to the dictates of the Castle in rejecting every effort of the patriots to attain that conftitutional liberty, which they had been labouring at for years; although no change had taken place during that short interval in the internal policy or fituation of the country, unless the love and defire of liberty were increased by refiftance; although the prevalence of example in the recognition and fuccefsful establishment of American independence had added to the enthufiasm for Irish freedom, the ductile and inftantaneous versatility of that very majority in fupporting the propofitions, which they had before rejected, is a political phænomenon, worthy of the most serious obfervation. All the minifterial members of independent fortune started up in rapid fucceffion to purify their paft conduct by difclaiming the influence of place or emolument: the chafteft motives of patriotifm had induced them hitherto to oppofe that very fyftem, on which by the magic of new appointments they now difcovered the falvation of their country depended: they even profeffed, that they held and believed those conftitutional queftions, which they had fo fteadily and uniformly oppofed, when they were repeatedly brought forward by the patriots. On the delivery of this meffage, and after Mr. Grattan's speech to the house, Mr. Fitzgibbon defied the house to charge him with ever having afferted the fupremacy of the British parliament; though he confeffed he had voted with minifters against the declaration of rights, as judging it then improper to be moved; and more especially as he knew Lord Carlifle was then labouring with his utmost interest and influence to procure the repeal of the 6th of Geo. I. This gentleman fpoke the language of his friends, and boldly declared in the house,* that as the nation was then committed to obtain a reftoration of their rights, it behoved every man to ftand firm. A congratulatory address to the Duke of Portland was proposed by Mr. O'Neil, and unanimoufly voted; which had no fooner paffed, than Mr. Fitzgibbon obferved, that as the fuddennefs of Lord Carlisle's departure had rendered it impoffible to convey to him the opinion entertained of his adminiftration in the way of

* 1 Parl. Deb. p. 342.

addrefs,

addrefs, he should move a refolution of that tendency;* which was feconded by Mr. Daly.

Mr. O'Neil faid, he was happy in paying his tribute to the late lord lieutenant: he had acted in his fupport, he admired his character, he approved his government.

Mr. Grattan could not agree to the motion, however Lord Carlisle might be respectable in character. Many of his measures he had difapproved and opposed; and as he could not fupport the motion without implying an approbation of the government, he felt himself bounden to refift it; as did Mr. Forbes and fome other members.

Mr. Toler, Mr. John Beresford, the attorney general, Mr. Clements, the recorder, Mr. Gardiner, the provoft, and moft of the leading members of the late administration, fpoke in the highest strain of panegyric upon Lord Carlifle's adminiftration; and the refolution was carried without a divifion, there being about five noes.

The first divifion, which took place in the commons under the adminiftration of the Duke of Portland, was on the Roman Catholic bills, when there appeared 57 for and 11 against them.† On the 4th of May, 1782, the house adjourned for three weeks, in order to give time to the determination of the British ministry in respect to the claim made by the parliament of that kingdom for a declaration of rights. The length of adjournment was rather oppofed by Mr. Martin, which brought on an interesting conversation, in which

* Lord Carlisle returned thanks to the fpeaker of the Houfe of Commons in the following letter. " SIR, Dublin, 17 April, 1782.

"I have received your letter, communicating a vote of the Houfe of Commons, acknowledging "in terms highly flattering to me, the uniform and unremitted attention with which I have endea"voured, during my administration, to promote the welfare of this kingdom: I request you to "offer to that house, where you so worthily prefide, my moft fincere thanks, for this mark of na"tional approbation. It is with cordial pleasure, that I fhall ever reflect on the fortunate combi"nation of circumftances, if by them I have been enabled to encourage the commercial interests of "the kingdom, to promote the great improvements of this metropolis, to give a new fpring to the public credit, to see the liberty of the subject fecured by law, to add weight and dignity to the "administration of justice, conciliate to his majesty's government every perfuafion and defcrip"tion of men, and finally to mature the measures of uniting a loyal people in general harmony and "happiness. Permit me to offer you my best thanks, for the very obliging expreflions with which

you have accompanied this communication. I have the honor to be, &c.

1 + Parl. Deb. P. 35.

CARLISLE."

Mr.