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this country. Such had been her conduct, and her reward had been re-ftriction and bondage of the most cruel nature. He did not mean, by defcribing her fituation, to engage the humanity of the houfe in her favour. The people of Ireland would not accept favours flowing from the humanity of the house. They called for juftice, not for pity. They requested Britain to be wife, not to be generous; to provide for her own good, and fecure her own intereft; fenfible that wifdom and prudence would dictate, that to accomplish thefe, a contrary conduct towards them was neceffary. The honorable gentlemen, who oppofed the bill, had drawn into collection the arguments and reafons they maintained to exift against all the bills, meaning, no doubt, thereby to prejudice the house the more by their aggregate effect. Though he detefted this inequitable mode of proceeding, he would not evade the combat even on that ground; nor wish to engage the house in favour of the bills, if he could not, in the fulleft manner, answer every objection they had brought to every part. The honorable gentleman, who had moved the amendment, wifhed to reconcile the people of Ireland to delay, by pledging the honor of parliament, that fomething effectual fhould be done in their favour next feffion. He knew the temper of the Irish too well, to believe, that they would. fit down fatisfied with fuch an affertion.

They would conclude within themfelves, depending on experience for their guide, that the promife of fomething to be done next feffion, would alone produce the repetition of a promife for the feffion following; and promife, repetition, and promife, from feffion to feffion, would be the only benefit they would receive. He did not conclude, that the denial of what even justice demanded of us in their favour, would produce rebellion and disturbance in that country; their loyalty and zeal were fuperior to complaints; they might despair, but they would not refift. Other places experienced in rebellion, had determined, it seems, to enter or not to enter into it, according as thefe bills were determined; but Ireland regarded more the welfare of the empire at large, than the interest of itself in particular. They were patient and loyal, and therefore, he fuppofed, they were crushed; for it was the policy of the prefent day to forego the excellent and noble maxims of the Romans, parcere fubjectis et debellare fuperbos, for the infamous proverb of British growth," proud to the humble, and humble to the proud." He then went into a particular detail of the arguments of the honorable gentlemen relating to commercial advantage. The annual revenue of the two kingdoms

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had been exultingly, but moft inequitably drawn into comparifon, to prove that Ireland paid no proportion of tax. It was not the number of inhabitants, that constituted the different specific in the article of taxation between two countries; but the diftinction of internal opulence and external advantage. Compare the two countries by that line, and it will be found that Ireland is taxed in a quadruple proportion more than England. The internal wealth, and external advantage of trade and commerce, is forty times greater in England than in Ireland. There is, therefore, no ratio of proportion preferved in the mode of taxing the latter. She is taxed, without enjoying the means of payment. She is debarred the use of shoes and stockings, and yet she is made to pay for them. Restricted from trading, fhe enjoys no opportunity of acquiring wealth to difcharge the taxes impofed upon her. Enlarge her means of payment, and in proportion to her ability enlarge her taxes. An equality of commercial advantage could not be established between the two countries. The opulence of the one is a barrier infuperable by the other. The great difproportion of capital effectually destroys the poffibility of an equality. The one can extend her mart of trade through every different channel of the univerfe; the other, restrained in her ability, cannot profecute the fame tract; and as the ability of the proceeding increases in the fame proportion, in the progrefs of one as well as the other, the fame proportion of advantage will ftill remain. The Irish will be able to follow the English at equal distance, in every stage, both in the outfet and in the continuance; but they never will be able to accelerate their motion in order to overtake them. The lownefs of labour is a nugatory argument; for until the inftant that the price of labour is equal, the fuperiority of manufacture will remain with the English. The price of labour rifes with the growth of manufacture, and is higheft when the manufacture is beft. The experience of every day tells us, that where the price of labour is highest, the manufacturer is able to fell his commodity at the lowest price. The difference of duty of the imported enumerated articles, is fo abundantly overbalanced by the other advan tages enjoyed by this country, that without it there could not be the smallest degree of competition in manufacture. Not one, however, of the enumerated articles is lefs taxed in Ireland than in England, except thofe already permitted to her. For though the petitions on the table are most, if not all, tending to express their fears of the confequences of granting a free exportation of fail cloth and iron to the Irifh; it is a fact, that they already en

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joy a free exportation of these articles; and particularly he would remark of manufactured iron and steel, as he did on a fimilar occafion of fail cloth, that the petition ferved to fhew the foundation on which they all were laid, namely, merely conjecture. They had not felt from the reality what they dreaded from the idea; for an act exifted at this time permitting the free exportation of manufactured iron; which, however, had not been profecuted, because of the advantages enjoyed by the English. The only article imported under that act into England, was a quantity of cork fcrews, which, though it might be an evidence of their luxury in living, was but a feeble proof of their excellence of manufacture. But, indeed, every other instance, as well as this, ferved to prove how erroneously they had formed their opinions on the fubject. Some years ago, when a bill was brought in for the free importation of woollen yarn into England, petitions were received from every different part of the country, complaining of the injury it would create; but now that they had experienced its effects, they felt and acknowledged its beneficial tendency. It was abfurd to think that a participation of manufacture would be detrimental to this country. Had we not feen the woollen manufacture planted in different parts of this country; and had we not also seen that the competitions had ferved to advance both. He concluded with lamenting, that in one inftance he fhould be directed by his confcience to take a part against his conftituents. It had been his invariable aim to protect their rights and interefts, and to act at all times as became the fenator and representative of the people. In this inftance he had dared to act contrary to the wishes, but not, he was fenfible, to the interefts of his conftituents.* He differed in opinion from them on the nobleft principle, namely, from his being in the right; and if, from his conduct in this bufinefs, he fhould be deprived of his feat in that honorable houfe, it would stand on record an example to future reprefentatives of the commons of England, that one man, at least, had dared to oppose his conftituents, when his judgment affured him they were in the wrong.

The national diftreffes of Ireland were too alarming to the British empire to permit the legislature of either country to fleep over them. During the recefs of the Irish parliament, we find that of Great Britain as frequently and as earneftly employed upon its interefts, as if that kingdom had been within

The Electors of Bristol.

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the jurifdiction of its legislative powers. On the 16th of December, 1778,* Lord Nugent defcribed the inhabitants of his native country as fuffering every fpecies of mifery and diftrefs human nature was capable of bearing; a people, nine-tenths of whom laboured for four-pence a day, whofe food in fummer was potatoes and butter milk, and in winter potatoes and water; he gave notice, that in confequence of what paffed the laft feffion, it was intended to propofe to take off fome of the restrictions of the trade of Ireland. He faid, the people of Ireland expected fome relief: that kingdom was oppreffed and ruined; they would emigrate to America; they would carry the woollen and linen manufactures thither; they would foon rival thofe of this country: in fhort, our reftrictions would transfer the trade and manufactures s of Ireland to America.

Among the other hardships fuffered by the people in general, the landed part of them had their fhare. There was now an uninterrupted embargo, which still exifted, on the exportation of the only ftaple commodities they had, beef and butter; the lands were fallen one third in value; the graziers were become bankrupts, the full proof of which he experienced himself; for though he poffeffed a very confiderable property, fituated in different parts of that kingdom, he could pledge his honor, that he had not received a fhilling rent for the laft two years; and the cafe was the fame with feveral noble lords and gentlemen of his acquaintance.

It might become a queftion of a ferious and difficult nature, what indulgence ought to be given, fuppofing this country were inclined to recede. He believed the general ideas, that prevailed last year, would be proper to be again taken up. The woollen manufacture, to be fure, was in fome meafure facred; but, in his prefent indigefted ideas, all he could venture to specify was, a full exportation of all cotton goods, mixed and unmixed. His lordship threw out feveral other hints; faid that the question would be, whether Ireland should have a little indulgence, or the Irish and the manufactures of linen, woollen, &c. be transferred to America. It is true, Manchefter might fuffer; but a nation composed of a loyal, brave, though an oppreffed people, was not to be facrificed to one single town, or the monopoly of a particular diftrict. He hoped, however, there would be no caufe for rivalhip. One thing on the whole was certain, that whatever benefited or en

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riched Ireland, or tended to give employment to her wretched inhabitants, would be beneficially felt in this kingdom, to whom, as the center, every advantage Ireland experienced Great Britain muft profit by.

Lord Beauchamp confirmed the greater part of the noble lord's arguments, painted the diftreffes of the Irifh in lively colours, and gave the houfe to underftand, that a general exportation, except in the articles of woollens, was expected, or meant to be procured.

Lord Newhaven faid, that he would move for a general exportation, woollens excepted; and an importation of feveral commodities enumerated in the courfe of the laft feffion.

* As foon as the British parliament had met after the holidays, the fame noble earl, who was ever stedfast to the real welfare of his country, on the 19th of January, 1779, moved in the British House of Commons, that an account be laid before the house of all exports, and their amount; of merchandize exported from this country to Ireland; and of all imports from Ireland into this kingdom, from the 1ft of January, 1778, to the 1ft of January, 1779; which motion was agreed to. His lordship explained his meaning for making this motion, by faying, that it was preparatory to the motion for leave to bring in a bill for granting further relief to the trade of Ireland, notice of which he had given before the holidays. He reprefented the inhabitants of Ireland as being in a famifhing condition, and appealed to two noble lords in administration for the truth of his affertion; and he said, that a fecretary of the viceroy was just come over, exprefsly to lay before government the deplorable state of Ireland: he referred to a letter he had received from Dr. Woodward, Dean of Clogher, mentioning, that all had been done, that could be effected by contribution, to relieve the ftarving poor, but in vain; employment alone could remedy the evil. He appealed to the noble lord at the head of the treasury for the truth of another obfervation; that the revenue of Ireland is fo diminished, that it now yields little more than the expences of its civil establishment. Thefe facts pointed out the neceffity, as we had loft our trade with our American colonies, of taking care we did not lofe Ireland next, by a feparation or invafion. If our impolitic reftraints were not removed from the trade of that country, we fhould lofe our best customers for many articles of merchandize, He faid, good eftates in Ireland were offered to fale at fixteen and fourteen years purchase, yet no buyers appeared even at that low price.

10 Deb. Parl. p. 218.

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