and a very confiderable part too, of that community, it was certain, that the community must suffer with them, fuppofing their peculiar difadvantages to affect only themselves; but, in this case, their disadvantage affects other parts of the community; if the Papifts be prohibited from lending upon fuch security, as is thought a fufficient indemnification, which, with respect to mere perfonal fecurity, in fuch a country as this, cannot be the cafe, it is certain, that the Proteftant is continually reftrained from borrowing, and yet borrowing and lending are mutual advantages. It might, perhaps, be replied, that though the disadvantages, under which the Papifts are laid, by what are called Popery laws, are, indeed, difadvantages to the public, yet the difadvantages to the public would be greater, if the Papists were admitted to all the privileges and immunities of Proteftants; that they had in that cafe the power only of chufing the leaft of two evils, the different religious opinions of the inhabitants of that country making a certain degree of evil inevitable. But, in anfwer to this, he obferved, that, with religious opinions, any farther than they include political principles, affecting civil government, they had nothing to do. The Proteftant religion was founded upon the right of private judgment. They renounced the infallibility of the pope, and it would be abfurd, indeed to set up, instead of it, an infallibility of the ftate; as Proteftants they must therefore upon their own principles, admit that the opinions of thofe, who differ from them may poffibly be true; and opinions, that may poffibly be true, they had certainly no right to punish. They might indeed, and they ought to keep the power of hurting out of the hands of those whofe principles would lead them to exert it; but he thought the Papifts a much more formidable enemy, as an inmate, in the poffeffion of ready money, than in the poffeffion of a mortgage deed. Money was always power, and that and that money which is placed in Protestant hands, upon mortgage, power in favour of the state; the fame money, in the hands of the Papists unlent, fuppofing the Papift to be an enemy to the state, was power againft it. Besides money was not a local, but tranfitory property; a Papist, posfeffed only of money, has no local interest in the country, but a Papist mortgagee had; he would be engaged to fupport the government in point of intereft: his fecurity for his money was good, while government fubfifted, and in the convulfion, that always attends the fubverfion of government, it would at least become doubtful; befides, the greater the advantages, which the Papists receive under the prefent conftitution, the more they muft defire its continuance,

is

continuance, and he would venture to say, that if the Papifts were to be admitted to all the privileges of Protestant subjects, there would fcarce be a practical Jacobite among them, whatever there might be in theory. Ifhould therefore be glad, that the bill fhould have another trial, and fhall therefore move for leave to bring in heads of a bill, to impower Papifts to lend money on the mortgage of land, and to fue for the fame.

Mr. Le Hunte faid, that he thought the bill propofed, would eventually make Papifts proprietors of great part of the landed intereft of the kingdom, which would certainly extend their influence, and that it was dangerous trufting to the use they would make of it, upon a supposition, that their interefts would get the better of their principles. That the act mentioned to have paffed the laft feffions, did not pafs without a divifion, there being a majority of no more than twelve in its favor, and that it would not have paffed at all, if it had not been for fome artful management, it being brought in the very laft day of feffions, when no more than fixty-two members were prefent. He therefore begged, that the honourable gentleman would postpone his motion till Monday, as the house was then thin, and gentlemen would thus have time to confider the subject, which was of very great importance. He added, that as there was reafon to fuppofe it to be the general fense of the house, that fuch a bill should not pass, he thought it would be better, that no heads of such a bill should be brought in, as it was cruel to raise expectations, which would probably be difappointed.

Mr. Mason confented to postpone his motion. Accordingly on the 3d of February, 1764, Mr. Mafon prefented to the house, according to order, heads of a bill, to afcertain what fecurities may be taken by perfons profeffing the Popish religion, for money lent or to be lent by them; and alfo what remedies they may have recourse to, for recovery thereof; which were received and read. When a motion was made, and the queftion being put, that the said heads of a bill be rejected, the house divided 138 for the rejection, and 53 against it. Another motion was then made, and the question being put, that leave be given to bring in heads of a bill to enable Papifts to take securities upon lands, but in such manner, that they might not meddle with the poffeffion thereof, which was immediately negatived by a majority of 44. I have been the more particular in detailing the failure of this first effort to break in upon the penal fyftem, in order to draw the reader's attention the more clofely hereafter to the rapid and wonderful pro

i

grefs of the public mind, when once the denfe fogs of bigotry, prejudice, and fear had been cleared away.

We are now faft approaching to that period in the Irish hiftory, to which Lord Clare alluded in his memorable speech for the Union, when he said, that the fyftem built by the intrigues of that ambitious ecclefiaftic would beat down the most powerful nation of the earth, when the government of England at length opened their eyes to the defects and dangers of it; when they Shook the power of the Ariftocracy, but were unable to break it down. Whilft Primate Stone,* whose primary view was to realize his own system of politics, lived, the party, which he commanded could enfure any question whatever. Thus they often tantalized the public by confenting to preliminary popular motions, which it was intended ultimately to refift and reject: fo upon the motion of Mr. Bagnall, leave was given to bring in heads of a bill for better fecuring the liberties of the fubject. What thofe heads were, no where ap-

pears:

* Of this prelate and of his political fituation, power, and system, the Rev. Dr. Campbell, an ingenious and enlightened author, thus fpoke, in 1777 (Survey of the South of Ireland, p. 55): Stone was a man of confiderable abilities, but more of the politician, than the prelate; he de"voted his life to the fupporting a party in the Irish parliament. It is faid, that when he went "over to London, to confult the gentlemen of the faculty on his ftate of health, he very candidly "faid to them, Look not upon me as an ordinary churchman, or incident to their diseases, but as a man, who has injured his conftitution by fitting up late, and rifing early, to do the business of government in Ireland.'

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They confider his death an era in the polity of this kingdom; for had he lived till now, he "would have been always one of the lords juftices, with the power of the whole; and of course "business would have been conducted in the usual way. Administration would have continued to "throw all its power into his hands."

+ Such rejections of the most conftitutional and neceffary propofals for the civil liberty of the fubject were no novelties to Ireland; for foon after the Bill of Rights had paffed in England, the following heads of a fimilar one for Ireland were presented for transmission by the Irish parliament to Lord Capel, then lord deputy of Ireland, on the 14th of October, 1659, of which no more was

heard:

Heads of a Bill of Rights.

"1. That the pretended powers of fufpending of laws by regal authority, without confent of "parliament, is illegal.

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"2. That the pretended power of difpenfing with laws, or the execution of laws by regal authority, as hath been affumed or exercised, is illegal.

"3. That levying money for, or to the use of the crown, by pretence of prerogative, without

grant

pears: nor do we find the patriotic sentiment ever after followed up; although the non-refiftance of the motion in the firft inftance occafioned an intemperate effufion of public diffatisfaction. Inexpreffible, though filent, were the grief and disappointment of the Catholics at the failure of this application to the favor of the legislature, not in fact for any new favor or indulgence, but for affuring to them a continuance of a capacity to take real fecurity for their money, which the aftute attempts of fome of their enemies had only lately began to queftion. Thus was the healing draught of leniency and mercy dashed with relentless harfhnefs from their eager lips; and all their flattering profpects of being received into the foftering arms of their king and conftitution at once defeated. Their defpondency was not of long duration: their oppreffion formed the bafe of the then Anglo-Hybernian fyftem of government: the deaths of Primate Stone and the Earl of Shannon, in December, 1764, put an end to that fyftem; and from thence a new fcene opens itself to our view. To this moment of Irish hiftory it is, that Lord Clare alluded, when he faid, "the government of England at length opened their eyes to the defects and dangers of it: they shook the power of the Aristocracy,* "but were unable to break it down."

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Although

"grant of parliament, for longer time, or in other manner than the fame is, or fhall be granted, " is illegal.

4. That it is the right of the fubject to petition the king, or the chief governor or governors of "the kingdom, for the time being, and all commitments or profecutions, or threats for fuch "tition, are illegal.

pe

"5. That the subjects which are Proteftants may have arms for their defence, fuitable to their "conditions, and as allowed by law.

"6. That the freedom of fpeech, and debates on proceedings in parliament, ought not be in"peached, or questioned, in any place out of parliament.

"8. That juries ought to be duly impannelled and returned, and juries which pass upon mcn

" in trials for high treason, ought to be freeholders.

"9. That all grants and promises, fines, forfeitures of particular perfons before conviction, are illegal and void,

"10. That for redrefs of all grievances in this kingdom, and for amending, ftrengthening, and "preferving the laws, parliaments ought not to be diffolved, as they have been in the late reigns. " 11. That the free quartering of foldiers on any of this kingdom, in time of peace, is arbi"trary and illegal."

are

*This Ariftocracy is thus defcribed by Dr. Campbell (Phil. Surv. p. 56): "In this nation. three or four grandees, who have fuch an influence in the House of Commons, that their "coalition would, at any time, give them a clear majority upon any queftion. It has, therefore, "always

3A 2

Although the deaths of two of the lords juftices made an opening to many great events, no immediate effects enfued of fufficient importance to arrest the reader's attention. The Lord Chancellor Bowes, and Mr. Ponsonby, the fpeaker of the House of Commons, were created lords juftices, to whom afterwards the Earl of Drogheda was joined; and from the change of fyftem they were the laft lords juftices ever appointed. Lord Viscount Weymouth was appointed lord lieutenant, but he never went over. The Earl of Hertford met the parliament in 1765.

In December, 1765, died, at Rome, the famous Chevalier de St. George, only fon of James II. he was the fubject of the political fable of the Warming Pan: he fupported a long life of misfortunes, fufferings, and retirement with great Christian forbearance and equanimity. As his attempt to recover the British throne, in 1715, and his fon's effort to the fame end, in 1745, had made no fenfation in Ireland, little is it to be wondered, that his death was fcarcely known or thought of in that country; although many of the then existing generation, through every part of the British empire, had taken an active fhare in the attempts to replace him on the throne of his ancestors.

Although by the management and power of the British cabinet the number of the patriots in the Irish parliament had been greatly reduced, their spirit was not fubdued: they again returned to the charge of the penfions; *and on the 6th of December, 1765, a motion was made, and the question being put, "That an humble addrefs be prefented to his majefty, to affure

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always been a maxim of government to disunite these factious chiefs. And, ftill further to dif"able oppofition, it has been thought expedient to difengage, as much as poffible, the followers "from their leaders. This was attempted by Lord Chesterfield, so early as the year 1745, but his "stay was too short to effect it.

"Formerly, thefe principals ufed to ftipulate with each new lord lieutenant, whofe office was “bien mal, and refidence but for fix months, upon what terms they would carry the king's business "through the houses; fo that they might, not improperly, be called undertakers. They provided, "that the difpofal of all court favours, whether places, penfions, or preferments, fhould pafs through their hands, in order to keep their suite in an absolute state of dependence upon them"felves. All applications were made by the leader, who claimed, as a right, the privilege of gratifying his friends in proportion to their numbers.

"Whenever such demands were not complied with, then the measures of government were fure "to be croffed and obftructed; and the feffion of parliament became a constant struggle for power, "between the heads of parties, who used to force themselves into the office of lord justice, according to the prevalence of their interest."

* 8 Journ. Com. p. 64.