nently confpicuous: he as well as the moft confiderable men of fortune in Ireland, that were not under fome fpecial tie or obligation to government, fided with the patriots. It was, notwithstanding, moft induftriously circulated from the cafile, both in print and otherwife, that the majority of the Houfe of Commons of Ireland was a Popish and Jacobite party, that was endeavouring to deftroy the royal prerogatives, in order to pave the way to his majesty's expulfion from the throne: and fuch undoubtedly were they represented to the king and the miniftry in England. Under thefe circumftances, the Earl of Kildare prefented with his own hand a most spirited memorial* to the king, in which, after referring to the hereditary loyalty of his family from the days of Henry II. he affured his majefty, that he was the rather induced to lay that memorial at his feet, as it was on good prefumption furmifed, that all access to his royal ear was shut up, and his liege fubjects debarred the liberty of complaining: that as no notice had been taken of feveral remonftrances lately made by his majefty's liege fubjects, it was humbly prefumed, that fuch remonftrances had been stopped and debarred in their progrefs to the royal ear: that he ventured on that bold step at the request of thousands: that in general the face of his loyal kingdom of Ireland wore difcontent: a difcontent not colored from caprice or faction, but purely founded on minifterial misapplication. This ftrong, though neceffary meafure of the Earl of Kildare gave great offence and fome alarm to the British cabinet, though they affected to treat it as an act of folly and temerity, which nothing but the extreme mildnefs of government would permit to pafs unpunished.†

The

* Vide the memorial in the Appendix, No. LVIII.

†This appears from a letter written by the Earl of Holderness to the Chancellor of Ireland. MY GOOD LORD CHANCELLOR,

I AM not a little concerned that the noble Earl of Kildare fhould take fo bold a ftep as he may repent hereafter, and do affure you that I think he has not fhewn himself a perfon of difcretion, be the act never fo popular.

He was but ill received, and very coolly difmiffed, as indeed the prefumption well merited; for why fhould his majefty receive any remonftrances concerning his kingdom or government, but from the proper minifters, or through the ufual channel, viz. both houses in parliament. I defire my compliments may attend his grace the Lord Primate, and wish him fuccefs in all laudable. endeavours for poor Ireland.

The diftreffed and embarraffed fituation of his country rouzed the patriot attention of that illuftrious nobleman, who truly reflected honor on nobility: his intrepidity fuggefted the refolution of awakening the guardian care of the father of his country, by becoming a perfonal advocate for his people, pointing out their grievances, and the fource of them, and opening again the channel of communication, after its natural current had been obstructed, on which the very life and being of public happiness effentially depend. If it were without a precedent, fo was the occafion, that made it neceffary. The good of his country was at once its motive and its justification; and the rage and violence it excited evinced how great and unexpected a shock it was to the English intereft. It did not however lofe its effect upon the king. The popular clamor became fo loud, that government was terrified into meafures, to which every man will apply a quality according to his own political conceptions. The speaker of the House of Commons was promoted to the dignity of an earl*: and feveral other patriots accepted of lucrative employ

ments.

Another letter upon the same subject came to light about the fame time, written by the Duke of Dorfet to Primate Stone, viz.

Touching the Earl of Kildare's memorial presented to the king my master, it has neither ferved him, nor injured us. It is looked upon, as it juftly deferves to be, an act of prefumption, and a step of faction. In a lefs mild administration, and under a reign lefs merciful, it would have proved an act full of danger.

If the subjects of Ireland were discontented with the measures of government, was not the privy council open to receive the complaints? were not your excellencies acceffible to complaints of grievances? but for one man, because the first peer of the realm, to take the kingdom's diftreffes on his fhoulders, and like another Hercules, to put his fhoulders to the government, in which he had neither place nor concern, was fure unworthy of his prudence, if he had any. I am nor for hot water, my defign is pacific, and tending to the public good,

I am

Your lordship's friend,

DORSET.

* Viz. Of Shannon: he had also a penfion of 2000l. per ann. for 31 years. There was much intrigue in bringing about these changes in Ireland. The Primate was over-reached by his own infincerity and ambition. He had promised the same appointments to several with the intent of disappointing each. He entered into a close connection with the Earl of Besborough, who had long wished, but had been baffled by the patriots, in fetting up an independent interest in the commons: his particular view was to place his fon Mr. Ponfonby, in the chair. In this union of the Primate with the Earl of Besborough, the principles of each were, that the earl thinking the primate to be more attentive to power than to riches, fed himself with the hopes of drawing the profits

ments.

Primate Stone, who had been the chief fomenter of the late difturbances, was by his majesty's command ftrucken off the lift of privy counsel

lors

profits to himself: the primate, inordinately ambitious, made no doubt of governing the youthful speaker, and fo bringing the whole power of the ftate into his own hands. Despairing of the Speaker's removal, the Primate endeavoured to force him to a refignation by rendering his fituation. uneafy this alfo failed, and made him rally his friends in his own fupport, which raised him above the efforts of his enemies to difplace him. The fpeaker in fact was a deeper politician than the primate. The fimplicity and unaffected ease of his address and a natural politeness of manner rendered him amiable even to his opponents. In appearance he was most open, in reality most referved: he had the art of extracting the fecrets of others, and of preserving his own without any shew of art or constraint. He had been raised to the chair and fupported in it by the people, at leaft without the affiftance, if not in oppofition to the government. He had fhewn much firmness in refifting attacks upon him in carrying matters through the house, and had had the uncommon addrefs of preferving his popularity even in fupporting unpopular acts. The English cabinet alarmed at the disturbances in Ireland refolved to facrifice the Duke of Dorfet to their fears; and his fucceffor, Lord Hartington, was appointed through the means of Mr. Fox (afterwards Lord Holland) then secretary of itate, who was known to be in the closest union with the Earl of Kildare. The fagacity and experience of the Earl of Befborough led him to foresee the approaching downfall of the primate, and to avail himself of the advantages of his fituation whilft he could keep it: fo that to the very close of this prelate's career of power, all the new appointments were made with their joint affent. Nothing could be more favorable to the political views of this earl, than the appointment of the new lord lieutenant; through him he hoped to reconcile himself to the patriots, whom he had greatly offended by his coalition with the primate; and through them he expected to place his fon in the chair of the House of Commons. Before the new lord lieutenant had arrived in Ireland, a secret treaty was entered into between him and the two leading patriots (Mr. Malone and the speaker) through the Earl of Kildare: and to this treaty the Earl of Befborough was not only admitted but confenting. The new lord lieutenant immediately upon his arrival expreffed the most gracious favor to all thofe, who had most violently opposed his predeceffor: and the conduct of the whole administration appeared for fome time mysterious. The patriots talked loudly of impeachments and expulfions; and the primate, whofe chief fupporters were placemen and penfioners, found himself neceffitated to adopt all the measures of the lord lieutenant, which he did with more zeal, than fome thought either neceffary or prudent. Each party for obvious reafons appeared fearful of oppofition. The primate was intimidated out of the violent measures, which his imperious and vindictive nature prompted him to: and the patriots naturally held back, till their new arrangements were announced. Befides the promotion of Mr. Boyle to the Earldom of Shannon, Mr. Ponsonby was elected speaker without oppofition; Mr. Malone was to fucceed Mr. Boyle in the chancellorship of the exchequer; Mr. Carter having been induced to accept of the secretaryfhip; but the outcry of the people against him, and particularly of his own connections, forced him to decline it. This however turned to his advantage, for Mr. Boyle (then Earl of Shannon) continued in the office, and Mr. Malone received the profits. This did not reftore Mr. Malone to the favor

RR 2

lors, and most of thofe, who, by his intrigues had been displaced for voting for the money bill, were reinstated with honor. The Marquis of Hartington, afterwards Duke of Devonshire, went over as lord lieutenant: upon his return to England in 1756, Lord Chancellor Jocelyn and the Earls of Kildare and Befborough were appointed lords juftices. Much of the popular ferment now fubfided, and the kingdom once more refumed the appearance of tranquillity.

Loud as was the cry of patriotifm, firm as was the ftand made by the patriots of 1753 against the encroachments of an English intereft, and strengthened as were supposed to be the conftitutional principles of civil liberty by the late appointments, yet lamentable is it to reflect, that when the boasted purity of these very patriots was called into action by fome of the few fincere fupporters of the party, the majority of them became as recreant from the caufe of civil freedom and legislative independence as the most venal proftitute to fyftematic corruption. On the 17th of March, 1756, the House of

favor of the people, though it fufpended their refentment against him. Mr. Stannard, a man in high favor with the people, had been induced to undergo the odium of fucceeding Mr. Malone as prime ferjeant, by being told that his majefty had himself nominated him to that office, and had begged that he would accept of it to oblige him. It was now too late in the feflion to form a party to make head against the united force of fo many chiefs; yet many symptoms appeared of growing difcontents: fome fharp things were thrown out against the lord lieutenant; alarmed at the symptoms of a rifing ftorm, he refolved to leave no time for mischief, and abruptly put an end to the feffion at the moment it was expected, that the commons were about to pass a refolution to vindicate the honor of the nation.

The patriots had the fupport of the whole body of the Prefbyterians, from their natural antipathy to prelacy, not only in order to oppofe the influence of the primate, but alfo to cruth the unnatural afcendancy of an English interest in Ireland. And fuch of the Catholics as took an active concern in the politics of the day fided also with them through the influence of Mr. Malone, who was the moft refpected and moft entrusted by their body of any perfon in that kingdom. He moderated their councils, and had publicly supported their intereft, whenever occafion required it. This fpecies of coalition between the Diffenters and the Roman Catholics gave unusual alarm to the primate: in it he fully read the future triumph of the Irish over the English interest, by the union of the Irish people amongst themfelves: and the Duke of Devonshire, whofe enlarged principles had overlooked the stinted monopoly of English power in Ireland, kept up fo fyftematically by his predeceffor, in his farewell speech to the parliament, no longer confined his recommendations to an union, between Irish Proteftants against the common enemy; but he (5 Com. Journ. p. 409.) encouraged harmony and union amongst all his majesty's faithful fubjects. The laudable views of the new changes and coalition were to engage the natural influence of Ireland in the cause of fair civil liberty upon true conftitutional grounds.

Commons

pro

Commons according to order refolved itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into confideration the heads of a moft wholesome bill to fecure the freedom of parliament, by vacating the feats of fuch members of the Houfe of Commons, as fhould accept of any penfion or civil office of profit from the crown: and after fome time spent therein, upon the report of grefs, and motion for leave to fit again on the next day, the houfe divided, 59 for the bill, and 85 against it. This was a fatal warning to the Irish nation, against the lubricity of their representatives, whenever their private interest could interfere with the national welfare and profperity.* The lofs of this truly patriotic queftion too clofely bears upon the general system of governing that kingdom, not to enter more fully into the detail of that tranfaction in order to illuftrate to the Irish nation the advantages, which the Union muft neceffarily bring with it, by abolishing that power, which had on fo many occafions facrificed the rights, welfare, and happiness of the Irish nation to private lucre or British influence.

The patriots however rallied once more fuccefsfully upon a most important queftion, namely, whether the great reprefentative body of the nation should be deprived of accefs to the throne by any minifterial influence, through which channel the petitions and grievances of the nation are most properly laid before the throne? The fteadinefs and refolution of the majority, who attended the bufinefs of their country on this occafion, and particularly the firm zeal of Mr. John Ponfonby, the fpeaker, cannot be over-rated. Like true and fincere patriots, they immoveably fupported the juft prerogatives of the crown, the dignity and privileges of parliament, and the liberties and known rights of the people.

† Mr. John Bourke reported from the committee (appointed to inspect the

* 3 Journ. Com. p. $8. On the day of this debate a lift of the penfions granted upon the civil establishment of Ireland was according to order given in to the house: it amounted to 44,393l. 158. and is to be seen in the Appendix to that volume of the Journals CCXCVI. In this lift of penfioners are to be read many of the first names of Ireland, many foreigners, few or no meritorious fervants of the public; the Countefs of Yarmouth ftood upon it for 4000l. Mr. Bellingham Boyle had been added to it within twelve months for 800/. during pleasure, and the Earl of Shannon closed it for 2000l. The conftitution, by lodging the fource of remuneration in the crown, evidently did it for the wife purpose of encouraging zeal and industry for the public fervice: and the confideration of the royal favor and grace thould always form a distinct column in the official schedules of fuch grants.

† 6 Journ. Com. p. 21.