throne could bear an allufion to it: no heads of any bill transmitted imported any new penal law against the Catholics: on the contrary, the lord lieutenant's fpeech recommended exprefsly the confideration of fuch laws as might be neceffary to be made for the encouragement of manufactures and the employment of the poor; but the enforcing the execution of thofe for preventing Popish priests and regulars from coming into the kingdom; from which the nation muft evidently have been convinced, that no new penal law was intended to be paffed in that feffion against the great body of the Irish people: and the more especially, as now for the first time the lord lieutenant fpoke of "the gracious inftances of his majefty's concern for "the happiness of his people, and the good opinion he had always had of the "loyalty and affection of his fubjects of Ireland;" without the invidious restriction of his majesty's protection, grace and favor to his Proteftant fubjects.

The divifion, which the Roman Catholics' addrefs occafioned in that body, was by no means into the old party-diftinction of Whig and Tory; it was formed upon entirely new principles arifing out of the then peculiar circumftances of their country. A great part of that body began then to confider themfelves Irish-men as well as Irish Catholics; though deprived of moft of the civil rights, which their Protestant brethren enjoyed, they fympathifed with them in their efforts to preserve the rights of Ireland, and in defiance of religious differences they now began to make civil liberty a common caufe with their Proteftant brethren. This novel coalition between Proteftants and Catholics in fupport and defence of the interest of Ireland, became formidably alarming to that party, whofe fole miffion was to keep up an English intereft in that kingdom. Government forefaw the neceffary progrefs of this native coalition against the English interest, and at one blow put an end to the political existence of at least four fifths of the nation by depriving them of the nobleft birth right and invaluable privilege of the fubject. Thus without any annunciation of such inten

tion,

*3 Journ. Com. p. 463.

+ Of these principles, Primate Boulter appears to have been fearfully apprehenfive, when he faid, "There wants no accident here to furnish a bottom of popularity, every one having it always "in his power to grow popular by fetting up for the Irish in oppofition to the English interest." (Letter to the Duke of Newcastle, 1 vol. p. 54.)

+ Thus did Lord Chief Juftice Holt ufually call the elective franchife. I have adhered to this proportion

tion, without any notice to any of the parties interested, without even a charge or accufation of guilt, by the unexpected introduction of a clause into a bill, the title of which denounced no further feverity against the Roman Catholics, was a vital ftab given to the conftitutional rights of the bulk of the people of Ireland. Sect. VII. “ And for the better preventing Papifts from voting in elections, be it further enacted by the authority “aforefaid, that no Papist, though not convict, shall be entitled or admitted "to vote at the election of any member to ferve in parliament as knight, "citizen, or burgefs, or the election of any magiftrate for any city or other "town corporate; any law statute or ufage to the contrary notwithstanding." This truly fweeping claufe at once brushed off four fifths of the people of Ireland from any representation in parliament: it was inferted by way of amendment without notice, without debate, without council; thus did the commons fign the death warrant of four fifths of their constituents, whofe voices had given them their legislative existence.*

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The

proportion of Proteftants and Catholics, because Primate Boulter in this very year avowed to the Archbishop of Canterbury (1 vol. p. 210.) "There are probably in this kingdom five Papists at least "to one Proteftant."

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* In the debate upon the question of readmitting the Catholics to the elective franchife in the Irish House of Commons on the 4th of February, 1793, Mr. Stanley, in reply to an envenomed Phillippic of one of the two, who opposed the bill against the body and principles of the Catholics, in which he said that they they had been prohibited to vote at a much earlier period by the act of Ann, which had annexed the oaths of allegiance and abjuration to the exercise of their elective franchife, obferved, that this was an additional argument against the policy of the act of George II. for if those oaths "were univerfally taken by Catholic voters during the reign of Queen Ann and George I. to qualify them to exercise their franchife, as it is well known it was the fact, their "acquiefcence and taking these oaths was the strongest test they could give of their attachment to "the flate, and should have entitled them to the confidence of the nation: and therefore it is clear "they were not excluded from voting, nor was it intended they should be by thofe oaths, for it was well known, that the Catholics voted in the election of that very parliament of George II. "which afterwards disfranchised them." The learned member, from the general dearth of historical documents, and probably from a designed fuppreffion of facts in this inftance, was obliged to refort to the traditionary reports of that act to elucidate the hiftory of its paffing. "It was faid that the Catho"lics having by their intereft voted Lord Dunkellin out of the county of Galway, returned his opponent. Lord Dunkellin had influence enough with the minifter of that day, to introduce that "claufe depriving the Catholics of their franchise into the act of George II." He himself difcredited the rumor, because he said that he had discovered, that there was no Lord Dunkellin of that day capable of being a candidate for the county of Galway. Unwritten reports of fuch transactions

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are

The two grand objects, which engroffed the exclufive attentions of Primate Boulter, who might properly be termed the English minister in Ireland, were doing good in the Church and fupporting the English intereft, "which faid "his grace to the Archbishop of Canterbury" labours under great difadvantages in this country.* This is little to be wondered at, when it is confidered that the bulk of the nation was not of the established Church,† nor in the occafion of participating of any of the patronage of the English interest: they were therefore estranged from any prepoffeffions in the favor of these two objects: their miferies were alleviated by no fubftitution of favor or indulgence. The stagnation of trade and want of employment in the manufactures, in part occafioned and in part aggravated the scarcity of the years 1728 and 1729. The first feffion of the parliament under George II.

are not fimply to be relied on; but when they are fairly canvaffed in all their bearings upon facts, which are proved by undeniable documents, they often help mainly to the elucidation of the history of thofe times. The intereft of the Clanrickarde family has been always confidered to carry the county of Galway, and if by the exertion of the Catholics, another perfon had been returned, it was very natural that Lord Clanrickarde and his fon Lord Dunkellin who had been called up to the House of Lords in 1710 should have resented it, and used their endeavours with the minister of the day (i. e. Primate Boulter) to punish and revenge themselves of the Catholics, by whose influence in the late election the interest of that noble family had been defeated. They were the first Proteftants of their family, and then supporters of the English intereft: ftrong reafons for the Catholics not supporting their interest in the county election; ftrong reasons for the primate's crushing their and all the Catholics power to oppose the English intereft in future. However inaccurate the report might have been in confounding the perfon of Lord Dunkellin with the intereft of Portumna, the circumstances which are notorious all combine to prove the remaining part of the report to be strictly true: namely, that the disfranchifing clause was introduced by way of amendment, through minifterial influence for a particular purpose and unavowed ends. On one and the fame day (9th of February, 1727), Dr. Trotter reported from the committee of the whole house that they had gone through and agreed to the bill with fome amendments (viz. the disfranchifing claufe) which were alfo read and agreed to, and Dr. Trotter was directed to attend the lord lieutenant with the said heads of the bill to be transmitted into Great Britain in due form. 3 Journ. Com. p. 522. * 1 Vol. p. 175. "But (faid he) the fervices I can do will be much leffened, if I am not supported in my ftation."

† 1 Vol. p. 205. The primate was indefatigable in his efforts to mend the state of the Church, "by getting more glebes, churches, and chappels of ease, that we may in time have churches and "refident ministers to answer our wants, for at present many of our people go off to the Papists or "Presbyterians for want of churches to repair to." And p. 223, "For want of which, instead of getting ground of the Papists, we must lose to them, as in fact we do in many places, the defcen"dants of Cromwell's officers and foldiers here being gone off to Popery."

which ended in May, 1728, went over without oppofition: infomuch that the lord lieutenant, in clofing the feffion took an opportunity of obferving, that all the public bills tranfmitted from thence had been returned under the great feal of Great Britain; which distinguishing instance of his majesty's regard for the parliament of Ireland, was one of the happy effects of that remarkable application and unanimity, which had appeared in all their proceedings.

It is evident, that at this period Ireland was entirely ruled by the principles of an English intereft: Primate Boulter who directed and fupported that interest, admits that the Catholics were then in the proportion of five to one Protestant: but they were generally poor and indigent, consequently the more fenfible to the national wants and calamities. So far then was this great mass of the Irish people from being foothed under the generalfuffering, that they were furprifed into the forfeiture of their elective franchife, and an act was made for †preventing Papists practifing as folicitors; which was the only branch of the law, they were then permitted to practice. In order to draw the public mind from the confideration of this new penal rigor impofed upon the Catholics in this hour of national calamity, the lord lieutenant fet forth in the most glowing terms of congratulatory folace, his majesty's gracious condefcenfion in departing from his own right by leffening his hereditary revenue for the ease of his fubjects and encou

* 3 Journ. Com. p. 570.

† Whilft this bill was pending, fome Catholics of Dublin and Corke had set on foot a subscription to defray the expences of raifing an oppofition to it: when one Hennefy, an interdicted priest, gave information, that this collection was made for the purpose of bringing in Popery and the Pretender. Upon which the papers of these gentlemen were seized and fubmitted to the inspection of the House of Commons: and it appears from their printed report, that the whole fum collected had not exceeded 57.: the committee however resolved, that it appeared to them, that under color of oppofing heads of bills, great fums of money had been collected and raised and a fund established by the Popish inhabitants of the kingdom, through the influence of their clergy, highly detrimental to the Proteftant intereft; and of imminent danger to the prefent happy eftablishment: and therefore refolved further, that an humble address should be presented to the lord lieutenant to iffue his proclamation to all magiftrates to put the laws against Popery into execution. Cur. St. of the Catholic of Ireland, p. 257. This circumftance goes to prove, that the claufe for disfranchifing the whole body of Catholics was not in the heads of the bill, or it is more than probable, that they would have inftituted a collection to oppofe a bill, that affected every individual of the body in fo important a point, rather than a bill, which could not have affected threescore of that description.

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ragement of trade, which shewed his majesty's concern for the welfare "and happiness of the kingdom, as well as many other fignal marks of his majefty's goodness, that must evince them, that his majefty had nothing more at heart, than the intereft and profperity of his people." He then enumerated or alluded to the most popular acts paffed in the feffion, as the foundation laid for the encrease of tillage fo neceffary in the country, the new advantages given for the improvement of the linen manufactory, the care taken for regulating the affize of bread, the establishing a fund for the work-house, and for employing the poor in the populous city of Dublin, the relief given to unfortunate debtors, the regulations made for future elections (by abolishing the right of voting in four fifths of the nation), the reducing the parliamentary privileges of the members for the cafe and benefit of their fellow fubjects, and those other excellent laws then paffed for erecting churches where they were moft wanted, for the maintenance of the clergy, and for preferving and ftrengthening the Proteftant intereft of that kingdom.

In the courfe of this feffion two inftances occurred which ftrongly prove how far the English and Proteftant interefts were identified* in the words and actions of the Irish government.

It happened that a Mr. Allan Brodrick, fon to the late chancellor of Ireland (who held the feals from the 1ft of October 1714, to the 1ft of May, 1725), had been made one of the commiffioners of the cuftoms in England:

* Primate Boulter in giving an account of the feffion to the Duke of Newcastle, three days after it closed (1 vol. p. 242), fays, " As my lord lieutenant did his part towards procuring a quiet session of "parliament, fo I must do that juftice to the reft of the English in power here to fay, that we were not "in the least wanting in our several stations to promote the fame good." And before the seflion was over, in giving an account of the oppofition to the privilege bill, the primate fays: "the greatnefs of the "oppofition was owing to the management of the Bishop of Elphin (Theophilus Bolton promoted "to the fee of Cafhell in 1729) who put himself at the head of those lords and others, who conftantly oppofe the government bufinefs here, and by mifreprefentations drew in fome other lords "of no ill intention to engage their word and honor to each other to throw out the bill. His view no doubt was to make himself confiderable enough by being at the head of this strength to be «bought of. One part of the push he now made was to get all the lay lords here to confederate "against the bishops, who must always be depended upon for doing the king's business. But as "he has miscarried in his attempt, and has offended all fides, so as to be in no danger of appearing again, at the head of fo many lords as he did now, I hope his behaviour will be remembered when "he or his friends push for the archbishopwrick of Dublin for him." (Letter to Lord Townsend, p. 240.)

and