made between them and the Earl of Glamorgan, though the marquis "afterwards disappointed their expectations." The general affembly of the confederates which met at Kilkenny on the 6th of March, 1645-6, difpatched Lord Muskerry and other commiffioners to Dublin, publicly to conclude the peace with the Marquis of Ormond, and it was accordingly concluded on the 28th of the fame month, 1646. But the secret treaty had been concluded with the Earl Glamorgan on the 25th of the preceding month of Auguft; the conditions of which chiefly related to the toleration of the Catholic religion, and the fending over fubfidies to the king in England.* It happened in the mean time, that the particulars of this fecret treaty became public,† and Ormond jointly with Lord Digby, although they well knew the commiffion and authority, under which Glamorgan acted, had him indicted of high treafon for forging or furreptitiously obtaining these very commiffions, and his perfon was immediately committed to close cuftody. The difcovery was inftantly reported to parliament, and Charles bafely protefted upon the word of a king and a Chriftian, that he had never given to the Earl of Glamorgan thofe commiffions and powers, which he was then known by many, and now is known by all, to have repeatedly given. This colourable commitment of Glamorgan was not of long duration: he was discharged upon his own and the Earl of Kildare's recognizance; the confederates having peremptorily infifted upon breaking off the treaty for peace, until he fhould be difcharged. Little can it be wondered *As it may be interefting to the reader to fee how far the king rendered his royal faith, word, and authority, fubfervient to his intereft and wishes, I have given the preamble to the treaty, together with the conditions of it, in the App. No.XXXV. They were found upon the titular archbishop of Tuam, who was accidentally killed by the parliamentarian rebels before Sligo, who together with fome of Ormond's forces, were in open hoftility notwithstanding the ceffation and the then pending treaty for peace. Few inftances of more Machiavelian policy occur in hiftory, than in the conduct of Ormond, excepting that he never completely diffembled his execration of the Catholics. Dr. Leland frankly admits, that notwithstanding this colourable commitment, Ormond continued to regard Glamorgan as really entrusted by the king, and empowered to negociate in his name. In proof of this he favours us with the letter written to the Earl of Glamorgan foon after his difcharge, the original of which he had in his poffeffion. (Vide App. No. XXXVI.) The same author adds, that both Ormond and Digby always regarded Glamorgan "as duly authorized by the king: and treated and "addreffed him as a person still enjoying the royal favour and confidence. And that he did ftill wondered at, that the confederated Irish after having been thus deluded and betrayed by their fovereign, should in their fubfequent negociations require fome more stable security for the performance of articles agreed to, than the word of a monarch fo frequently violated in their regard. Under thefe circumstances, a very ferious ground of difference, if not diffention arose amongst them, which retarded the conclufion of the peace, and greatly weakened their power: this internal divifion of the Catholics was moft actively fomented by Ormond. The nuncio and a confiderable party of the confederates, objected against the conclufion of any peace, which had future conceffion for its bafis: but there was no limitation to the confidence which the majority of them ftill placed in the promises of the king and his lieutenant. Nevertheless, however divided they were upon this and fome other lefs important points, they all unanimously to the laft, adhered with inviolable attachment ftaunch to the royal caufe.* Whereas Ormond not only refifted their preffing folicitations to lead them against the king's enemies, but the urgent importunities of his friend Lord Clanricard, to place himself at the head of the confederates and immediately proceed against Sir Charles Coote, and the other parliamentarian rebels, who were daily violating the ceffation, and committing the most barbarous hoftilities against the adherents to the royal caufe: and finally even delivered up his fword, the caftle, and king's authority to the commiffioners of the parliamentarian rebels.† In this. difgraceful enjoy them in a very high degree, there is direct and pofitive proof in those letters extant "amongst the Harleian manufcripts, in which Charles affures him of the continuance of his friendship, and promifes to make good all his inftructions and promifes to him and the nuncio." (3 Lel. 283, 4, 5.) Vide fome of these letters in Appendix No. XXXVII * With reason then did King Charles express himself in a letter to Ormond only two days before the peace was concluded, that if the kingdom of Ireland were in perfect obedience, "it is pof"fible it may please God to restore me to the other two, or be a fafe retreat for myself." (C.O. 3 vol. p. 451. He had previously boafted to Colonel Leyburne who had come over with a confidential commiffioner from the king," that if there should be a neceffity, he would give up thofe places under "his command to the English rather than the Irish rebels, of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was." Immediately before Ormond delivered up the fword to the parliament commiffioners, Alderman Smith, then Mayor of Dublin, aged near eighty years, a man of great integrity. and loyalty, came to the council table, and acquainted my Lord of Ormond, that it was generally. reported in town, and spread fo far as no man doubted it, that his excellency intended to deliver up the government to the parliament: that he came to acquaint his lordship, that himself was entrusted difgraceful negociation with parliament, Ormond acted with full reflection, and with the most interested views to his own domeftic concerns; having ftipulated with them for the price of his bafe furrender, viz. 5000l. in hand, 2000l. a year for five years fucceffively, and a total release and discharge of all incumbrances upon his eftates (which were very heavy) up to the time of the infurrection. The spirit and motive with which he thus infamoufly betrayed the truft and authority of his royal mafter, appear more fully from the conduct of the Irish parliament, which was then fitting, towards him. Both houfes addreffed to him a vote of thanks for his excellency's treaty with the English rebels: in which they fet forth, that his proceedings therein being fuch a free earneft of his excellency's love to their religion, nation and both houfes, did incite them to come unto him with hearts filled with his love, and tongues declaring how much they were obliged unto his excellency. And that in order to perpetuate unto posterity the memory of his excellency's merits, and their thankfulnefs, they had appointed that inftrument to be entered into both houfes, and under the hands of both speakers to be prefented to his lordship. To which address, his excellency answered, that this acknowledgment of theirs was unto him a jewel of very great value, which he fhould lay up amongst his choiceft treafures: it being an antidote against the virulency of thofe tongues and pens, he was well affured would be bufily fet to work to traduce and blast the integrity of his prefent proceeding for their prefervation.* Soon after these parliamentary compliments had paffed between the Irish houfes of lords and commons, and their lord lieutenant, his lordship was ignominiously expelled from the caftle, fooner than he intended to quit it, by the English committee, and forced to transport himself to England.† In with the king's fword of the city, and that he would not refign it to rebels, Whereupon my Lord of Ormond gave him fome check and ordered him to withdraw; but upon further confideration his lordship and the council thought fit to call him in again, and to commend him for the refolution he had fhewn in maintaining his majesty's authority: and withall read a letter from his majesty requiring the lord lieutenant to deliver up the sword to the commiffioners empowered by the parlia ment of England: whereupon he said, he would fubmit. (St. Let. from the Earl of Effex, p. 344.) To cover the turpitude of his own conduct, Ormond thus impofed upon the lord mayor of Dublin, by reading either a forged or a forced letter from his majesty, for had it been real he would have pleaded it in his own juftification. * Com. Journ. of Ireland. + Before his departure the confederates again preffed him (but in vain) to put himself at their In this decline of the king's affairs the confederated Catholics met again at Kilkenny, where they took into confideration, that his majefty was in restraint, that all addreffes to him were forbidden, and that fome members of parliament who had ventured to fpeak in his favour, were expelled, "therefore in that extremity," as they exprefs themfelves, "there being no "access to his majesty for imploring either his juftice or mercy, all laws either "human or divine did allow the faid Catholics to take fome other course, "in order to their defence and preservation: not againft his facred majesty, but against thofe, who had laid violent hands on his perfon, who defigned to abolish the royal authority, and refolved to deftroy or extirpate the faid. "Catholics."* Ormond, to whofe ambitious and self-interested views there were no bounds, having been thus indignantly forced from his favorite feat of power into exile by the enemies of his royal mafter, whom he had hitherto most basely favoured and courted, and wishing to use the unfhaken loyalty and feverely tried attachment of the king's firmest and best friends, as the inftruments of his own revenge, diffembled for the moment his implacable rancour to his Catholic countrymen, and affected with unqualified referve to place the depending fate of his royal master in their exertions. He landed at Cork on the 29th of September 1648, and notwithstanding his infulting, harsh and perfidious conduct towards the confederates, and his mercenary treachery in furrendering the royal dignity to the parliamentarian rebels, he was received with univerfal acclamation, and invited by the general affembly at Kilkenny to conclude a peace, and earnestly join with the nation at large in making head against the parliamentarian rebels, who by their principles were generally engaged, and by the covenant were particularly fworn, to destroy monarchy, abolish the hierarchy and extirpate the Catholic religion. He was received in triumph at Kilkenny on the 28th of October 1648, having been met at some distance from the town by the whole body of the assembly and by all the nobility and gentry in the neighbourhood: he was received head in fupport of the royal caufe: he had fcarcely arrived in England, when he was forced to fly to France, having been informed that a warrant had iffued for apprehending his person from the very persons to whom he had made the bafe and mercenary furrender of his high truft, dignity and power in Ireland. Walfh's Reply to a Perfon of Quality. in in the town by the mayor and aldermen with all the honors, ceremony and etiquette, which fuch corporate bodies ufually fhew to the fupreme authority in the kingdom, and he was lodged in his own caftle with his own guards about him. Still did Ormond pertinaciously perfevere in rejecting every condition of peace propofed by the confederates that related to a toleration of the Catholic religion and the repeal of any of the penal laws. During this protraction of the peace, the treaty was interrupted by the open defection of Inchiquin's army and their declaration against the king: Ormond had ever been intimate with this nobleman, and he now took the occafion of fufpending the definitive treaty, under the pretext of giving fatisfaction to Inchiquin and his leading officers. Notwithstanding the confederates well knew the instructions, which the king had given to Ormond respecting the free exercise of their religion, yet to the end he suppressed the extent of his powers; and abfolutely refufed ultimately to allow, what he well knew his majefty had moft folemnly pledged himself to grant: and he immediately after boafted in a letter to Sir Charles Coote, "*that the advantages, which the Romish "profeffors are fuppofed to have in point of religion or authority, are no "other but pledges from his majesty's confirmation of the other conceffions "and are to determine therewith." We have seen how earnestly the king had long wished for and how peremp torily he had commanded Ormond to make peace with the confederates. The confequences therefore, which enfued the protractions of that event evidently lay at his door, who caufed the delays: it was only concluded on the 17th of January 1648, a fortnight before the tragical end of that unfortunate monarch. And Carte obferves, that "the news of the conclufion of this 66 peace did not reach England foon enough to deter the execrable authors of "the murder of their king from perpetrating a villainy, which how long foever they had intended it, they durft not attempt to execute, till they thought "themselves fecure of impunity by being abfolute masters of Great Britain "without any confiderable force in any part of these nations to oppose their "measures or take vengeance on their crimes." Had Ormond been actuated by any sense of the welfare of the state, by any regard to the preservation of the conftitution, by any zeal for the support of his own religion, by any real attachment or even common loyalty to his fovereign, he could not have boasted |