It was impoffible, that fome complaints of the harsh, imperious, and unjust administration of Wentworth should not reach the royal ear: but his influence upon the mind of Charles was proof againft all the efforts of his enemies. He was, indeed, recalled, but upon representing his own cafe to the king, befides receiving the order of the garter and earldom of Strafford, he was confirmed in his ftation, under the more honorable title of lord lieutenant. The king's neceffities obliged him to call parliaments both in England and Ireland and although the Irish parliament readily voted fix more subsidies, the commons confidering fupplies and grievances to go hand in hand, prefented a very strong petition of remonftrance,* setting forth in fourteen separate articles, the grievances that nation then laboured under. Strafford being juftly alarmed at the progrefs and conduct of the Scotch covenanters, and perceiving the affairs of his royal master, both in England and Scotland, to be on the decline, raised a body of 9000 men in Ireland, 8000 of which were Roman Catholics; well knowing that he could rely upon their loyalty and zeal for his majefty's crown and dignity. The Irish,† faid he, "were "as ready for this purpofe to venture their perfons, as they were to open "their purfes." Confcious, however, that he was reprefented in England (and not without reafon) as obnoxious to this body of men, he conceived, nevertheless, the vain ambition of commanding them in the field:‡ he laboured, therefore, privately to perfuade the king,§ "that the Irish did not "diftate him fo much, as willingly to change him, or to defire any new deputy in his ftead, and that if it were left to their choice, they would "not have any other general but himself." Although the arrogance and to produce the defired effect in fuch perfons, than in others, who had little or nothing to lofe." He elsewhere (Ib. 339) admits, "that he enquired after fit men to serve upon juries; and treated "with fuch as would give furtherance to the king's title." And he also proposed the raising of 4000 horse as good lookers on whilft the plantations were fettling. And in ftill further promotion of this favorite scheme, he prevailed upon the king to bestow twenty per cent. or one full fifth of the value of all the estates to the lord chief juftice and chief baron. Which he says (St. Let. 2 vol. 41) "he had "found upon obfervation, to be the best given that ever was: for that by these means, they did "intend that business with as much care and diligence as if it were their own private: and that every "four fhillings once paid would better his majesty's revenue four pounds." * Quod vide in App. No. XXI. † St. Let. 2 vol. paffim. A high, though ungracious compliment to the men whom he had ever difliked and perfecuted. § Ibid. 66 66 pride of Strafford prevented him from being beloved by individuals, his vanity and ambition rendered him greedy of public admiration and esteem: finding therefore his power on the decline, he descended to the pitiful shift of forcing his own eulogy upon the national records by means of his creatures in parliament. The preamble of the last act of fubfidies contains the moft fulfome forced panegyrick of his fincere and upright adminiftration, with thanks to his majesty for having placed over them so wife, just, and vigilant a governor. These very commoners, however, in the very next feffion of parliament, entered into a folemn protestation (in which they were joined by the lords), "*that the aforefaid preamble to the act of fubfidies was contrived, penned, and inferted fraudulently (without the privity of "the house, either by the earl of Strafford himself, or by fome other perfon or persons advisors, procurors, or actors of or in the manifold and general grievances and oppreffions of his majesty's kingdom of Ireland, by the di"rection and privity of the faid earl, on purpofe to prevent and anticipate "the just and univerfal complaints of his majesty's faithful, dutiful, and loving subjects against him." It is well known, that the Earl of Strafford was attainted by the English parliament of high treason, and fuffered death as a traitor, and that the attainder was afterwards reverfed by parliament under Charles II. upon the grounds that the turbulent party not being able to convict him of any fingle act of treason, had framed, and by force and violence passed an act for his attainder for accumulative or conftructive treafon. In making every allowance for the oppofite extremes of party prejudice in the years 1641 and 1660, we muft not diffemble, that Strafford, though innocent of treason, was guilty of high misdemeanors; and confidering the force of example and the evil confequences of high misdemeanors in the fupreme governor of a kingdom, it is but a tribute of juftice to a much traduced nation, to lay before the public the folemn and confiderate judgment of their fovereign, upon thofe very acts of his friend and favorite, of which he faw but too late the mifchief and enormity. Within a fortnight before the execution of the Earl of Strafford, his majesty made a speech to the house of peers, in which after telling them that he had been present at the hearing of that great cafe from one end to the other; "I muft, fays he, tell you, that * 1 Journ. Com. of Ireland, 176. As this proteftation throws ftrong light upon the temper of the Irish, immediately before the grand rebellion, it is given in the Appendix, No. XXIII. "I cannot in my confcience condemn him of high treafon, &c. I defire rightly to be understood: for though I tell you in my confcience I cannot "condemn him of high treafon, yet I cannot fay I can clear him of misdemeanures, &c. Nay, for mifdeameanures I am fo clear in them, that though I will not chalk out the way, yet I will fhew you, that I think (6 my Lord Strafford is not fit hereafter to serve me, or the common-wealth, "in any place of truft; no, not fo much as a conftable."* Although Charles had given this folemn teftimony of the misconduct of Strafford, yet fo implicated was he in his lordship's fyftem of governing Ireland, that he appointed by Strafford's recommendation his kinfman and creature Sir Henry Wandefworth, to fucceed him. Fear, defpair, and grief, brought on by the violent and oppreffive administration of Strafford, foon occafioned the death of the new deputy. So infatuated however was the king with the system of his favorite, notwithstanding he had pronounced him unworthy to be even a conftable, that he appointed Lord Dillon, the friend and relative of Strafford, and Sir William Parfons, lord juftices of that kingdom; but finding that Lord Dillon was not agreeable to the Irish nation because of this intimacy and alliance, he cancelled the commiffion, and appointed Sir John Borlafe, master of the ordnance, in his room. †No fooner, fays Warner, were these minifters poffeffed of their high power, than they endeavoured to put the government on its former footing: in order to mollify the fharp humours, which fome of the rigid measures of the Earl of Strafford's administration had introduced; the known laws of the land were made the standard of their government: and they gave all due encouragement to the parliament then fitting, for the eafe and accomodation of his majefty's fubjects in fome important articles. Happy had it been for the king and kingdom that this fyftem had been ever pursued! Charles finding, that his frequent breaches of faith with the Irish, and the avowed misdemeanors of his favorite Strafford had tended greatly to estrange the affections of his Irish fubjects, made one more effort to recal their attach * After this teftimony, what faith can be given to Carte, and our other hiftorians who follow him, telling us," that there could not be a higher or jufter eulogium given of a governor, and of "his upright and impartial administration by any body of men, than was given of this lord lieute"nant and his administration by this house of commons: it was given nemine contradicente, and paffed with loud and general acclamation of applause." 1 Orm. 107. " + Warner's Hift. of Reb. p. 5. ment ment by a fresh pledge of his royal word. He wrote to the lords justices a public letter* of affurance that his loving subjects should from thenceforth enjoy the graces promised to them in the fourth year of his reign. Soon after the receipt of this letter, the parliament adjourned: and the lords juftices, as they had been inftructed, iffued a proclamation of all his majesty's grants and graces, that they might be known to the people. So little however were they even now difpofed to difcredit the word of their fovereign, that the new proclamation feemed to have produced a total oblivion of the breach of the former: general fatisfaction prevailed, in full confidence, that the laws, to which the people now confidered themselves entitled by compact and purchafe, would be paffed at the meeting of the parliament. During this recefs the grand rebellion broke out, or rather was proclaimed. In order to form an unbiassed judgment of this period of Irish history, we must attend closely to the power and afcendancy, which the Puritan party then had acquired in that kingdom. In many points of view it was more extensive and powerful than in England: for the spirit of it not only pervaded every department of the state, civil, military, and clerical, but their efforts being chiefly directed against the Catholics, were eagerly feconded by all the Proteftants of that kingdom; the deftruction of Popery being a common object of their mutual zeal. The Puritans dreaded the loyalty more than the religion of the Catholics; but by perfecuting them on the fcore of religion, they attacked their means of supporting the royal cause, and affociated all other Proteftants with them, whilft they could thus mask their batteries against the throne. As long therefore as the independants could keep up the divifion of Ireland into Catholic and Proteftant, fo long were the loyal Proteftants deceived in the affiftance they gave to the arms of those rebels. It is impoffible to fix the day on which the ufurped power of the parliamentarians commenced, and the conftitutional power of the crown ceased. From the moment of that ufurpation, resistance to the parliamentary power, was loyalty, not treafon. The Irish Catholics were the first and last in arms for King Charles †. It was their boast and glory to oppofe * As the beginning of this letter fhews the purport of the whole, it is to be seen in the Appendix, No. XXIV. † I know of no better authority than that of Lord Strafforde, to prove the extraordinary loyalty and affection of his majesty's Irish Catholic fubjects, however prone others have been to traduce and R 2 oppofe all the king's enemies, notwithstanding the duplicity and feverity they had experienced from the crown. The Puritans wifhed to raise the Catholics in arms, efpecially, whilft they could command the co-operation of the other Proteftants to fubdue them. And thus it is evident, that in Ireland the Puritan party for a confiderable time continued to forward their rebellious defigns against the throne, under the appearance of loyalty and fubmiffion to the royal authority, and with the concurrence of his majesty's arms. In every quarter of the kingdom, in every department of government; they found means to foment and raife what they called a Popish rebellion. The lords juftices, Borlafe and Parfons prevented the bills of grace from pasfing, in direct contravention of the king's commands, they revived the perfecution to the highest degree of irritation against the Catholics, and published throughout that kingdom certain petitions prefented to the parliament of England, which were applications for the means of deftroying the religion; and vilify them. He tells the King in a letter on the 23d of March, 1639: "This very evening "the fupply was propounded in the house of commons, and four fubfidies affented with all poffible chearfulness, together with a declaration that they will further fupply your majefty with their "estates and fortunes to the very uttermoft, defiring this declaration may be printed together with "the bill for fubfidies, &c. In one word, your majesty may have with their free good will as much "as this people can poffibly raife. Next, your majefty may as fafely account yourself master of their "lives and fortunes, as the best of kings can promise to find amongst the best of subjects; and that "if thofe in England comply with the like alacrity, and minister to your majefty's princely designs "and purposes, you will be at an end of the war before it begins. My next endeavour is, to settle "the levies for the 8000 foot, and for ordering thofe other great incidents accompanying so great a "defign, as will be the transportation and maintenance of fo great an army, wherein I will not lofe an hour, or suffer this nation to cool on my hands, whose zeal is all on fire to ferve your majesty "on this occafion." (2 vol. St. Let. 396.) In a letter from thirteen privy councillors to fecretary Windebank on the fame day, it is faid, "which we mention for the glory of his majefty, that hath fo good and loyal fubjects." Strafford on the next day, in a letter to Windebank, fays, "As in "their purfes, fo alfo in their perfons I find them most earnest to venture them in his majesty's fervice," (399) and in the poftfcript to that letter, viz. on the 28th of March, he adds, "In truth, "there cannot better he defired of them than they are willing to effect." In this very letter to Windebank, he gives us full proof of his contempt of the Irish, and a strong implied avowal, that he had not theretofore confulted their wishes and happiness: "Next, I will pafs the royal affent upon "the bills of fubfidies, and two or three bills of grace, which will be also re:dy, and so adjourn till "after Whitfuntide, difiniffing them with the best words I can poffibly give them, to make them "in love and liking with what they have done and afterwards to the utmost of my power always "minister to their fitting contentment and fatisfaction, as in truth they paffing well deferve." If he had been fincere in this, his future conduct towards them, would have been widely different from the part.. 66 : |