CHAPTER XI THE JACOBITE ILLUSION On the restoration of the Stuarts Protestant royalists and Federated Catholics who had been deprived of their estates by Cromwell looked for restitution. But Oliver's Ironsides and the Adventurers were in possession, and what they had they declared they would hold. Nevertheless, Charles promised to reinstate all "Innocent Papists," meaning thereby all Catholics who could prove that they had had no hand in the insurrection of 1641 and had not borne arms against King Charles. To meet their demands the soldiers and adventurers agreed to give up a third part of their land and the hearing of claims was begun. Some 600 cases were heard and in most instances the claims were made good. A cry of indignation went up from those in possession and the king and his advisers were so dismayed that the remaining claims, over 3000 in number, were not allowed to come to a hearing. The action of the government thus amounted to a ratification of the Cromwellian settlement, and to that settlement is traceable the curse of Irish landlordism. Lecky quotes authorities to show the astounding change of ownership which the Cromwellian adjustment brought about. Sir William Petty states that, before 1641, two-thirds of the ground capable of cul tivation was owned by Catholics. According to Colonel Lawrence, a Cromwellian officer, before 1641, the Irish held ten acres to one held by the English; after the passing of the Act of Settlement, in 1660, four-fifths of the whole country was in the hands of the Protestants. In the words of William O'Connor Morris, "The Protestants, English and Scotch, were now in possession of about three-quarters of the soil. The English Catholics and Catholic Irish, five-sixths of the population, had the remaining quarter." This revolution in the ownership of the land changed the Irish people into a race of dependents. Many of the old stock fled to the continent and took foreign service. Others remained behind to beget children whom nothing but an unconquerable spirit of independence prevented from degenerating into serfdom. It seemed as though the government were bent on reducing the Irish to beggary. Irish colonial trade was killed by legislative enactment. Under the Navigation Act of 1660 Irish ships enjoyed the same privilege as English. But the act was withdrawn and Irish trade with the colonies came abruptly to an end. Well might Dean Swift write in the bitterness of his heart, "The conveniency of ports and harbors which nature bestowed so liberally on this kingdom is of no more use to us than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon." The woolen trade had been discouraged by Strafford in the reign of Charles the First and the English par liament of William of Orange completed its destruction. In 1699 this industry gave employment to 12,000 Protestant families in Dublin and 30,000 in the rest of the country. But, when English trade was at stake Irishmen were rivals, whatever their religion. The Protestant Irish parliament-Sinn Feiners of an earlier day-resented the injustice keenly, pledged themselves to wear none but clothes of Irish manufacture and to furnish their houses with nothing but Irish furniture. The sinister effect of anti-Irish discrimination is told by Swift. Says he, "Whoever travels through this country and observes the face of nature, or the faces and habits and dwellings of the natives, would hardly think himself in a land where either law, religion, or common humanity was professed." What marvel that when James the Second claimed the throne by the might of the sword, Ireland should rally to his standard? There was Gaelic blood in his veins; his religion was their religion. William, on the other hand, was alien in blood and faith. The Stuart manners and love of art, their misfortunes and, above all, the Catholic faith, appealed with irresistible force to the Celts. James became the symbol of all that the Irish people loved. Unfortunately, never was the passionate longing of a race centered on a less heroic or an unwiser man. His appointment of Richard Talbot as lord lieutenant of Ireland made it clear to the Protestants that he was actuated by no broad-minded spirit of toleration, but simply aimed to substitute one form of religious despotism for another. Vastly different was the attitude of the Irish parliament of 1689. That body passed an act establishing religious liberty in Ireland and ordered the Protestants to pay tithes to their ministers, the Catholics to their priests. But the terrors of the Penal Days had to be gone through before the blessed day of religious toleration should dawn. How Talbot's appointment was viewed by the King's army may be gathered from the song of "Lillibariero." written by Lord Wharton. The song is an interesting illustration of the attitude wont to be taken by English aristocrats towards the "Meere Irish." It gained additional currency through the melody to which it was sung—a melody sometimes claimed as the composition of Henry Purcell, but published under the title of an “Irish_tune,” while Purcell was still alive. Ho! broder Teague, dost hear de decree? De law's on dare side and Creish knows what. For de good Talbote is made a lord And with brave lads is coming abroad, And he dat will not go to de Mass Shall be turn out and look like an ass. Now, now de hereticks all go down, By Chrish and Shaint Patrick, de nation's our own. For Talbot's de dog and James is the ass. With feelings like this war was inevitable. When the Protestants under Inchiquin were defeated they fled North. Derry, with its primitive wall and ditch, became stronghold and there, to this day, stand the old guns, which the defenders used with such telling effect upon the Jacobite army. When the Jacobites came to take possession of the town, a band of prentice youths shut the gates in their faces. A yell of "No surrender" rose from the walls at the King's approach and a shot laid low an officer by his side. To this day the inhabitants of Derry play the old march tune of "No Surrender" on the anniversary of shutting and opening the gates. The very women took part in the defense and for over a hundred days they kept the enemy at bay, saving themselves in the end, to use their own words, "As the Israelites in the Red Sea." To-day we can survey the conflict unmoved by party passion and remember only the heroism which it brought forth. The Jacobite Irish, shut up in Limerick, displayed like heroism, men and women alike. If only both sides could have known their interests were one and joined forces for Ireland's weal! But a long age had to pass by before Ireland, in common with the rest of |