of fanaticism were unlocked for the savage | if they had proceeded from holy sympathy; and iniquitous purpose of extermination. but, when their essential merit was made to consist in the destruction of men and trampling on the law of nations, their natural tendency was to indurate the heart and brutalize the character. The fair face of religion became besmeared with blood, and heavenly attraction was changed for demoniacal repulsiveness. The Crusades encouraged the most horrible violences of fanaticism, and the precedent for the military contentions of the church with the Prussians and the Albigenses; and, as the execrable Inquisition arose out of the spirit of clerical dragooning, the wars in Palestine brought a frightful calamity on the world. The pastors of the church used anathemas, excommunications, interdicts, and every weapon in their storehouse of spiritual artillery; and, when the world was in arms for the purpose of destroying infidels, it was natural that the soldiers of God should turn aside and chastise other foes to the true religion. When offences were commuted for money, the religious application of the price of pardon soon ceased to be necessary. Absolutions from penance became a matter of traffic, and holy virtues were discountenanced. "The question of the justice of the holy wars is one of easy solution. The Crusaders were not called upon by heaven to carry on hostilities against the Mussulmans. Palestine did not of right belong to the Christians in consequence of any gift of God; and it was evident, from the fact of the destruction of the Temple, that there was no longer any peculiar sanctity in the ground of Jerusalem. There is no command in scripture for Christians to build the walls of the holy city, and no promise of an earthly Canaan as the reward of virtue. On principles of morals and politics, therefore, the holy wars cannot be justified. If the Christians had been animated by the conviction that war with all the world was the vital part of Christianity, then also a right of hostility would have been raised (to the infidels). But, before they could have been justified on this lastmentioned argument, proof is necessary that the danger was imminent, and that time and circumstances had not reduced the principle to a mere dry imperative letter of the law. In tracing the history of Europe in its progress from civilization to refine-** Undoubtedly, the Crusades augmented ment, and in accounting for the various phenomena of the moral world, the philosophical observer of man reverts with anxious seriousness to the Crusades of the Latins in the East. These transmarine expeditions so deeply convulsed the moral fabric of the West, they stand so prominent in the picture of former ages, that curiosity is awakened whether they left some lasting impression of good or evil. In the two hundred years of their continuance Europe was making slow and silent advances in arts and civilization, and there were great changes of scene in the political theatre. Viewing, then, the natural union between principle and event, and guarding ourselves against the error of confounding chronological coincidences with moral connexions, the inquiry is to be made into the consequences of the holy wars. A stamp of permanency was fixed on popular superstition when pilgrimages became a matter of public concern and national interest. These religious journeys were only consistent with the christian character when they were performed in harmony with great and primary duties. They might have been considered the ornaments of a religious life the wealth of the clergy. The rapacious barons frequently plundered the clergy; and when, afterwards, they were brought to such a sense of religion as to resolve on a holy war, the restitution of ecclesiastical property became a necessary preliminary proceeding. The ecclesiastics flourished more vigorously than any other men; they took a high rank in society, and purchased the birthrights of rash, fiery enthusiasts, who tried the hazard of fortune in the Holy Land." After stating that Europe, had she enjoyed peace during the temporary absence of the great mass of her people, it was “because the horrors of civil war were stayed," he proceeds to add— "But afterwards civil and national hostilities raged with unceasing and unrelenting fury; and, moreover, the spirit of the Crusades fanned the flame of military daring." Referring to the charm in the expression, "days of chivalry," and the suggestion that chivalry "dissipated a cloud of ignoble passions, and transports itself (that is, the fancy) to those remotest ages, which it gilds with the virtues of honour and courtesy, he proceeds to say:-"On the fair part of ancient warfare the Crusades cast a baneful influence. * Religion had united them for a while, but the bond soon was broken, and the world returned to its former state. But, if the pilgrim ever steps out of his course, it is only to collect with holy reverence those relics which his idolatrous fancy has sanctified; and the mere soldier can imbibe no ideas except those which are connected with his professional habits. The letters that enlighten, the sciences that improve, and the arts that polish life, are not in the intellectual sphere of either. * # "The last point of inquiry into the consequences of the holy war concerns their effects on the political relations of the great European states. As the Crusades were carried on for holy objects, not for civil or national ends, their connexion with politics could only have been collateral and indirect. The spirit of crusading, composed as it was of superstition and military ardour, was hostile to the advancement of knowledge and liberty, and, consequently, no improvement in the civil condition of the kingdoms of the West could have been the legitimate issue of the principles of the holy war. Great changes in the political aspect of Europe were coeval with, but were not occasioned by, the holy The power of the French crown was much higher at the end of the thirteenth, than it had been at the same period of th eleventh century; but the influence of the imperial throne was materially depressel. These opposite effects could never have been the results of the same cause, viz., the less of the flower of the western aristocracy in Palestine. The pusillanimous John assumed the cross; but the circumstance did not ocen: till after he had surrendered his crown to the papal see, and until the barons s formed a confederacy against him." That tenacious and delicate regard to veracity, the commencement. war. After stating that the great politics event of the thirteenth century was t establishment of free and corporate townsthat this was not owing to the Crusadeshe says:-" Whenever any part of the publi became more rich and enlightened than ti rest, the tyranny of the aristocracy w found to be insupportable. The kings France and England eagerly assisted th burghers of their respective countries, a enfranchised the towns in order to raise barrier against baronial aggressions on t throne. After various vicissitudes of i tune, the battle of Leguano and the peace as Dryden says, to take on trust the evidence of historians, without searching for ourselves in order to ascertain the probability of certain influences. Constance established the independence of are merely asserted, without making a comthe towns in the north of Italy. The Cru-parison between the actual facts and assumed sades did not contribute to these events, for consequences. It is too much the fashion, the two sacred expeditions which had taken place were as disastrous to peasants as to princes, and drained Europe of all ranks of society; consequently, it was not from the holy wars that the people gained their liberties. We find that, so il regulated was the liberty of the towns alluded to, anarchy soon succeeded. Men of personal importance and wealth aspired to sovereign honours, an overwhelming aristocracy extinguished freedom, and at the end of the thirteenth century there were as many princes in Tuscany and Lombardy as there had been free towns at the end of the twelfth." Speaking on my own behalf, the contemplation of the holy wars is serious and instructive. It affords ample illustration to future generations of the utter folly of war being considered as a boon, or even as the arbiter of disputes. The holy war originated in a superstitious reverence for relics, both of locality and the seemingly less important articles of bones, clothes, wood, &c. Although it would be unjust to deny that many engaged My task is now completed. I have traced in the warfare who were prompted by the rise, progress, and termination of the war, pious and holy feelings, yet the extracts and have exhibited the Christians' professed show that a love for military glory, in comand actual conduct. As the tout ensemble bination with a despicable hatred of the had an influence for good or evil, taking into infidels, animated the great mass of the Cruconsideration the immense sacrifice of life saders. Cruelty and bloodshed frequently and property, the impediments created to stained their banners, when it would have commerce, civilization, and Christianity, the been more christian and humane to have numberless evils generated, and the conse- spared the defeated. They pursued a coursequent barrier thus raised against progress- which was detrimental to their own interest, were such effects likely to assist the moral repugnant to religion, revolting to humanity, well-being of the people? or were degrada- and lamentably discreditable to Christention, misery, and disgrace more probable? dom in its consequences. They imbrued If my readers should possibly assume that their hands in innocent blood, and then called the former be correct, it would be well to upon God to bless and countenance the bloody inquire if such good results followed as a deed. Whilst professing to adorn the "gosnatural consequence from the holy war, or pel of God their Saviour in all things," whilst whether they were collateral or indirect? if preaching and commending christian virtues the latter, then the affirmative of this ques- and duties, they outwardly showed an utter tion cannot with justice be maintained, for disregard for morality and decency, and, its supporters will hardly venture to contend under the guise of hypocrisy, perpetrated the that their position is tenable when the good most cruel and reprehensible acts. That is merely accidental, and when it will not such conduct could have any influence but always flow from the same circumstances and for evil on the infidels there can be no doubt, from the same springs of action. In dealing and the entire loss of the Holy Land is, perthus "liberally" with this question, it will haps, the most pregnant illustration of their be seen that I have preferred to lay the dissolute conduct, and was a just retribution general facts and historical data of the Cru- as well as a warning to future generations of sades before my readers, and thus enable the folly and madness of proclaiming, but not them to form their own conclusions. By acting in unison with the dictates of Chrisexamining the conduct of the Christians, the tianity. It cannot but be natural to supmotives which impelled them to act in con- pose that a continental people, or a combicert, as well as by tracing their ruling pas-nation of professing Christians, visiting, for sions and marking their diplomacy, a correct decision may be arrived at. For my own part, I consider it derogatory to truth and to good sense to place particular credence upon mere quotations, in which certain effects religious purposes, a foreign country whose inhabitants were infidels, would have their characters examined and a comparison instituted between their creed and conduct; nor is it less natural to surmise that the Chris tians would be as eager in being circum- tion:-"Remember, reader, however much spect and deliberate in their conduct as you may deplore the fact, that in the early the infidels in gratifying their curiosity. progress of European civilization and liberty But it was not so in this case; conse- you have the din and horror of war ever quently the immorality and licentiousness ringing in your ears." Is this any justificawhich the Christians imported into Asia were tion for the conduct of the Christians? or not very creditable to the christian religion. are we to sit down, consoled with the fact, Christianity was blighted by its own profes- that because, in the early progress of sors, and the very unfavourable contrast European civilization we have the din and which existed between the two only served horror of war ever ringing in our ears," we to render the former more contemptible in must excuse the Christians on the same the eyes of the world, and the latter less score? Is this the plea set up for forgiveworthy of respect and admiration. ness, or are we, forsooth, to accept C. W., Junior's doctrine of justification? Are we still to continue confirming the old adage, that "like begets like;" or, because I knock C. W., Jun., down, is that any justifiable reason why he should act similarly to me? Away with such arguments; no apology can be accepted for deeds done in cold blood, and when the blessing of the Almighty was invoked on such cruelty. I can take into consideration the character of the times; nevertheless, christian charity and forbear period. "They that take the sword shall perish by the sword;" and most assuredly, as the Christians were the first to appeal to that weapon, this solemn though emphatic declaration was fulfilled against them in all its severity. They transformed benevolent feeling into furious and demoniacal passions; but A short comment on the concluding remarks of C. W., Jun., and I close, craving the pardon of my readers for this lengthened paper. He has certainly avoided a difficulty which he could hardly solve, when he says, "It would answer the present inquiry simply to show that in the end no real harm ensued. But we prefer to deal liberally with the question." As if discovering (in his own mind) that this could not possibly be substantiated, he coolly takes it for granted that his readers are aware of the circum-ance were well understood even at that stance "that in the end no real harm ensued," and thus very discreetly avoids entering into a topic, the discussion of which would involve him in the "horns of a dilemma," which would eventually expose the weakness of his argument, the fallacy of which he is conscious, and has not the courage to avow. And, as if viewing with derisive scorn the feelings of those who revolt at cruelty, he says:-"Lastly, there are those who become so completely absorbed in the contemplation of the horror and misery which naturally attended such perilous expeditions that they entirely overlook the final result. 'Look,' say they, at the immense sacrifice of human life! See the immense amount of property, and the consequent amount of misery and destitution which must have followed!'" And, as an apology for this, he makes the following unblushing exclama "They err who count it glorious to subdue Gentlemen of the Jury,-What say you the Crusades? J. G. R. Philosophers have puzzled themselves how to define man, so as to distinguish b from other animals. Burke says, "Man is an animal that cooks his victuals;" "Ther says Dr. Johnson, "the proverb is just, There is reason in roasting eggs."" Dr. Ada Smith has hit this case. Man," says he, "is an animal that makes bargains: no ot animal does this. One dog does not change a bone with another." Politics. OUGHT NATIVE PRODUCE AND INDUSTRY TO BE PROTECTED BY LEGISLATIVE ENACTMENTS? NEGATIVE ARTICLE.-II. In these days of bold speculation and extensive enterprise, when charts of the world are as familiar as county maps, and science persuades the distant hemispheres to fellowship, we must not examine questions of universal interest in the manner of old ladies peering through spectacles. Free trade and protection are not peculiar terms of English phraseology; they express ideas which interest every nation upon earth; and if we think that by excluding from our discourse all reference to foreign influences we can secretly monopolize the advantages of commerce, we shall presently learn that there is an experience on such matters wider than that of the platform. The best precaution against deception in the consideration of fundamental questions of importance, is a simple and comprehensive examination. Arguments held in a corner about intricate trifles perplex the mind: sophistry is never so successful as when it inveigles an opponent into minute discussion. In order to avoid such danger, we push our way through conflicting statistics to seek elementary truth. all the necessaries of civilized life. The most favoured region must seek the luxuries of commerce. The whole world is thus connected by one interest, for since the universal produce is destined to a universal distribution, the general prosperity is identical with individual gain. Every circumstance, therefore, which tends to enrich the human family, deserves the approbation of the constituent members. Under a well-directed cultivation the bounty of the earth is adequate to satisfy a high civilization diffused through every continent. The greediness of protection implies a distrust of this providential goodness. It implies a selfish rapacity to appropriate a choice abundance, lest the horn of plenty should be prematurely exhausted. Hence arrives the absurd and iniquitous doctrine, at the root of every protectionist system, that Providence annually throws a scanty handful upon the earth, which is to be scrambled for, the prize of the most knowing and most powerful. Then follows the equally absurd corollary, that a nation is not happy in the possession of sufficiency while a neighbour Wealth consists of the produce of the flaunts in superfluity. Despising the fears earth, gathered, combined, and cultivated of such extravagant husbandry, which would by the industry and ingenuity of man. The allow a whole continent to lie fallow, let us amount of the produce is proportioned to the go on to consider in what manner the profertility of the source and the expenditure of ductiveness of all lands may be increased for labour and skill. Those communities are the the profit of all people. most wealthy which, favoured by local advantages, exercise an incessant industry, strengthened and guided by science. There are, indeed, instances in which entire populations are deprived of their due recompense by the oppression of power or the cunning of superior knowledge, but these are accidental exceptions, opposed to the tendency of the natural system; they will disappear at the approach of liberty and enlightenment, and will not be adopted in debate by those who prefer justice to the aggrandizement of domi nant races. There is no political district of the globe which can furnish, from its own territory, There The cultivation of natural advantages by communities corresponds to the division of labour among individuals. The same familiar arguments establish the efficacy of both. Resources are economized, perfection is attained, and production multiplied. are few regions so destitute as not to furnish some staple peculiarity for the market of the world. Where the soil is barren, the mines may be rich, the waters prolific, the situation favourable, or the inhabitants persevering. The sterility of the ground may be compensated by ingenuity of mind; or, sometimes, fortune, enticed by accident, may be established by the precedent of custom. At least, |