VII.

1820.

99.

CHAP. made to the British for their liberation from French thraldom, and the invaluable aid they had rendered them during six successive campaigns for the maintenance of their independence! A memorable, but, unhappily, a not unusual instance of the ingratitude of nations, and the the British. immediate disregard of the most important services when

Effect of the banishment of

they are no longer required, or when oblivion of them may be convenient to the parties who have been benefited. Above a hundred officers accompanied Marshal Beresford to England; and the effects of the absence of this nucleus of regular administration soon appeared in the measures of Government. The two Juntas came to open rupture in regard to the manner in which the Cortes was to be convoked. The Lisbon maintained it should be done according to the ancient forms of the constitution; but this was vehemently opposed by the Oporto Junta, which was composed of ardent democrats, who asserted that these antiquated forms were far too aristocratical, and that the public wishes would never be satisfied with anything short of the immediate adoption of the Spanish constitution. Few knew what that constitution really was; but it instantly was taken up as a rallying-cry by the extreme democratic party. Still the Junta of Lisbon held out, upon which Silviera, who was at the head of the violent revolutionists, and had great influence with the troops, surrounded the Palace of the Junta with a 1 Ann. Hist. body of soldiers, who, by loud shouts and threats, inAnn. Reg. stantly extorted a decree, adopting in toto the Spanish constitution, and appointing one deputy for every thirty thousand inhabitants, to be elected by universal suffrage.1 So far the victory of the revolutionists was complete, Reaction, but the step had been too violent; neither the public nor tion of more the majority of the army were, on consideration, inclined to go into such violent measures. The incorporations (Gremios) and magistrates protested against the proceedings, and a majority of the officers in the army came round to the same sentiments. A hundred and fifty

Nov. 11.

iii. 478,480;

1820, 236,

237.

100.

and adop

moderate

measures.

VII.

1820.

officers in the army, and nearly all the civil authorities, CHAP. resigned their situations. The consequences were soon felt. On the 17th November a general council of officers was held, at which Colonel Castro Sepulveda, who was at the head of the moderate party, laboured so assiduously to convince them of their error, that, after a debate of six hours, resolutions were passed to the effect that the state of public opinion in the capital required that those who had resigned should resume their situations; that the election of the Cortes shall be made according to the Spanish system, but no other part of the Spanish constitution adopted till the Cortes had met and considered the subject. The reaction was now complete: upon these resolutions being intimated to the officers of the late Government who had resigned, they resumed their functions. Silviera was, with the general concurrence of the people, ordered to quit the city in two hours, which he did amidst loud acclamations, and the ascendancy of the moderate party was for a time established. But it was for a time only. The fatal step had been taken, the irrecoverable concession made. The resolution that the Cortes should be elected on the Spanish principle, which 1 Ann. Hist. was a single chamber and universal suffrage, and that . 481; there should be a member for every thirty thousand inhabitants, necessarily threw the power into the hands of the de Lisbon, multitude, and precluded the possibility of anything like 1820. a stable or free constitution being formed.1

Ann. Reg.

1820, 237,

238; Diario

Nov. 18,

101.

ment of re

Italy.

ITALY was not long of catching the destructive flame which had been kindled, and burned so fiercely, in the CommenceSpanish peninsula. The career of reform was begun in forms in Piedmont on the 25th February 1820, by a decree of the King of Sardinia, which created a commission composed of the most eminent statesmen and juris-consults, to examine the existing laws, and consider what alterations should be made to bring them into harmony with the institutions of other countries and the spirit of the

VII.

1820.

CHAP. age; and even in the realm of Naples, the germ of practical improvement had begun to unfold itself. The excessive increase of the land-tax, which had in some places risen to thirty-three per cent, had tended to augment in that country the general discontent, which in the inhabitants of towns, and the more intelligent of those in the country, had centred in an ardent desire for representative institutions, which they regarded as the only effectual safeguard against similar abuses in time to come. The government of Murat, and the society of the French officers during eight years, had confirmed these ideas, and augmented the importunity for these institutions. This desire. had been fanned into a perfect passion in Sicily by the experiment which had been made of a representative government of that country by the English during the war, which was in the highest degree popular with the Liberal leaders. But it had been found by experience to be so alien to the character and wants of the rural inhabitants, that it fell to the ground of its own accord after the withdrawal of the English troops on the peace; and the only Napoli, trace of the constitutional regime which remained was the ii. 330, 340; ominous word "uno budgetto," a money account, which had been imported from their Gothic allies into the harmonious tongue of the Italian shores.1

Historia di

1790-1825,

Ann. Hist.

iii. 488.

Ferdinand the king had, in accordance with the declared wishes of the most intelligent part of his subjects, announced the acceptance by the Government of a constitutional regime during the crisis which preceded the fall of Napoleon and conclusion of the war. Before leaving the Sicilian shores to reoccupy the throne of his fathers, on the dethronement of Murat in 1815, he had issued a proclamation, in which he announced "The people will be the sovereign, and the monarch will only be the depositary of the laws, which shall be decreed by a constitution the most energetic and desirable." These words diffused universal satisfaction, and, like Lord William Bentinck's celebrated proclamation to the Genoese

VII.

1820.

1820, 238;

in the preceding year, were regarded with reason as a CHAP. pledge of the future government under which they were to live.* But it soon appeared that these promises, like those of the German sovereigns during the mortal agony of 1813, were made only to be broken. Whatever the individual wishes of Ferdinand may have been, 1 Ann. Reg. he was overruled by a superior influence, which he had Ann. Hist. no means of withstanding. By a secret article of the Colletta, ii. treaty between Austria and Naples, concluded in 1815, 330, 312; it was expressly stipulated that " his Neapolitan majesty Nov. 24, should not introduce in his government any principles cueil Diirreconcilable with those adopted by his Imperial majesty iii. 224. in the government of his Italian provinces." 1

iii. 488;

Treaty,

1815; Re

plomatique,

but slight

The hands of the King of Naples were thus tied by 103. an overwhelming power, which he had not the means, Progressive even if he had possessed the inclination, to resist. All reforms that could be done was to introduce local reforms, and already incorrect in a certain degree local abuses; and some steps. towards a representative government had already been taken in this way. Provincial and municipal assemblies had been authorised, which had commenced some reforms and suggested others, and were in progress of collecting information from practical men as to the real wants and requirements of the country. But these slow and progressive advances by no means suited the impatience of the ardent Italian people, and least of all, of that ener- 2 Colletta, getic and enthusiastic portion of them who were enrolled ii. 338,341; in the SECRET SOCIETIES which already overspread that iii. 488; beautiful peninsula, and have ever since exercised so im- 1820, 238. portant an influence on its destinies.2

Secret societies banded together for some common purpose are the natural resources of the weak against the

* "De' cinque fogli del re, scritti in Messina dal 20 al 24 maggio erano i sensi: pace, concordia, oblio delle passate vicende; vi traluceva la modesta confessione de' propri torti; parlavasi di leggi fondamentali dello stato, di libertà civile, di formali guarentigie; e così vi stava adombrata la costituzione senza profferirsene il nome." — COLLETTA, Historia di Napoli, ii. 261.

Ann. Hist.

Ann. Reg.

VII.

1820.

104.

secret socie

CHAP. strong, of the oppressed against the oppressors. It is the boast, and in many respects the well-founded boast, of free nations, that by removing the necessity which has Origin of produced it, they alone have succeeded in eradicating this ties. dreadful evil from the social system. Where men are permitted to combine openly, and the constitution affords a legitimate channel of complaint, the necessity of secret associations is removed, and with that removal their frequency is much abated. Yet is it not altogether removed the desire to compass even legitimate ends by unlawful means sometimes perpetuates such societies when the necessity for them no longer exists; and the Ribbonism of Ireland and trades-unions of England remain a standing reproof against free institutions, and a lasting proof that the enjoyment of even a latitudinarian amount of liberty sometimes affords no guarantee against the desire to abuse its powers. In Italy, however, at this time, the despotic nature of the institutions had given such societies a greater excuse-if anything can ever excuse the banding together of men by secret means and guilty acts, to overturn existing institutions.

105.

and pre

vious his

tory.

The CARBONARI of Italy arose in a very different Their origin interest from that to which their association was ultimately directed. They were founded, or perhaps taken advantage of, by Queen Caroline, on occasion of the French invasion of Naples in 1808; and it was by their means that the resistance was organised in the Abruzzi and Calabria, which so long counterbalanced the republican influence in the southern parts of the peninsula. Subsequently they were made use of by Murat at the time of the downfall of Napoleon, to promote his views for the formation of a great kingdom in Italy, which should be free from Tramontane influence, and restore unity, independence, prosperity, and glory to the descendants of the former masters of the world. Being directed now to a definite practicable object, which had long occupied the Italian mind, which had been the dream of