IX. 1821. CHAP. intention of Government was to make this grant to the time-honoured relics of the Imperial regime a precedent for the great indemnity which they meditated to the emigrants and others who had been dispossessed of their estates by the Revolution; for after the Liberals had unanimously supported grants from the public funds for the relief of their chiefs who had lost their possessions by the calamities of war, it was not easy to see on what principle they could oppose a similar grant to the sufferers under the confiscations of the Revolution. The Royalists, however, did not see this, or they had no faith in the existing Ministry carrying out this design, as Marshal Macdonald, who introduced the project in 1814, had intended, and it met accordingly with the most impassioned resistance from the Right of the Assembly. No words can describe the indignation of the Royalists when they heard the names of the chief persons to be benefited by the new law, embracing the principal leaders of the Napoleonist party, and those most deeply implicated in the conspiracy of 1815.* "It is," said M. Duplessis, "a a reward for conspirators." The indemnity proposed was an inscription on the Grand Livre-in other words, the gift of so much stock in the Five per Cents, bearing date 22d Sept. 1821, in certain fixed proportions. The bill underwent many amendments in committee; but at iv. 115,128; length, after great hesitation, indicative of weakness on Cap. vii. the part of Ministers, it passed as originally proposed by a majority of 203 to 125.1 1 Ann. Hist. 148, 149. 103. the censor The question of the censorship of the press still reLaw regard- mained, which afforded as regular a subject for the encounship of the ter of parties in France as that of Catholic Emancipation did in England. Although the Ministry was now of so mixed a character that it might reasonably have press. They were, MM. Jean Bon Saint-André, Jean de Bry, Quinette, General Hullin, Labédoyère, Marshal Ney, Count d'Estar, General Lefèvre-Desnouettes, General Gilly, General Mouton-Duvernet, General Clausel, Count de Laborde, General Excelmans, the Duke de Bassano, General Lamarque, Baron Méchin. -CAPEFIGUE, Hist. de la Restauration, vii. 149. IX. 1821. been supposed that both sets of journalists, having each CHAP. something to hope from the Government, would support it, yet it proved otherwise; and there is no period in the whole annals of the Restoration when the press was more violent, or parties were more exasperated against each other. Perhaps this was unavoidable: the effect of the change in the Electoral Law was now evident, and a party in possession of power is never so exasperated as when it sees the reins gradually but perceptibly slipping from its hands. The Minister of the Interior accordingly, Count Siméon, brought forward a project for continuing the censorship, alleging, in justification of the proposal, that it had during the past year been so gently exercised, that no fair discussion had ever been interfered with, but intemperate abuse alone excluded. The commission, however, to which the matter was referred, reported against the project, and Government, in the Chamber itself, were defeated on an amendment proposed by M. Courtarvel, on the part of the Liberals, that the restriction should continue only three months after the commencement of the session of 1821. Thus modified, how- 1 Ann. Hist. ever, the proposal passed into a law in the Deputies by a 195. majority of 214 to 112; in the Peers, by 83 to 45.1 iv. 180, 191, 104. Speech of M. Pasquier sion. This debate was chiefly memorable for the first open declaration of opinion on the part of Ministers, which revealed at irreconcilable division of opinion and ap- on the occaproaching rupture in the Cabinet. "If the censorship," July 6. said M. Pasquier, "has been useful, it has been chiefly in what relates to foreign affairs, and certainly it has rendered great services, in that respect, not only to France, but to Europe. We are accused of having enmities and partialities; yes, I admit I have a repugnance to those men, to whatever party they belong, who wish to trouble, or, without intending it, do trouble, the tranquillity of our country, who disunite minds when they should be united. I have a repugnance to the men who, too often exhuming from the tomb the revolutionary maxims, IX. 1821. CHAP. Would gladly make them the means of destroying the felicity we enjoy, perverting the rising generation, and bringing upon their heads the evils which have so long desolated us. I have a repugnance to the men who, by odious recriminations, generally unjust, always impolitic, furnish arms and auxiliaries to those whom I have designated. As I distrust every usurpation, I have a repugnance to a small body of men who would claim exclusively for themselves the title of Royalists-who would wish to monopolise for themselves the sentiments which belong to the French nation; and who would every day contract a circle which it is for the interest of all should be expanded. Still more have I a repugnance to the same men, when they evince too clearly the design of making of a thing so sacred as royalty, and the power which emanates from it, the instrument of their passions, their interests, or their ambition. I have a repugnance to these men, but chiefly because I feel assured that if they obtained all that they desire, they would make use of the power they have acquired for no other end Moniteur, but to gratify private interests, and that we should thus 18:21; Ann. see them reproduce, by the successive triumph of their petty ambition, that system of government which, in the years preceding the Revolution, had done such mischief to France." 1 July 8, Hist. iv. 187; Cap. vii. 157, 158. 105. When sentiments such as these were expressed by Increasing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in language so unmeaparties, and sured in regard to a body of men who formed part of the of the Minis- Ministry, who had a majority in both Chambers, and irritation of difficulties try. whose support was essential to their existence, it was evident that the dissolution of the Government was at hand. The difficulties of Ministers and the irritation of parties increased rapidly after the session of the legislature terminated. The Count d'Artois and the Royalists were dissatisfied that, when they had a majority in the Chambers, they had not one in the Ministry, and that M. Polignac and M. Peyronnet had not seats in the Cabinet. IX. 1821. They condemned also, in no measured terms, the conduct CHAP. of the Government, which, after having obtained, by the revelations made in the course of the trial of the conspirators of August 19th, decisive evidence of the accession of the Liberal leaders, especially Lafayette and Manuel, to the design of overthrowing the Government, let them escape untouched, and chastised even the inferior delinquents only with subordinate penalties.* "M. de Richelieu is an honest man, but weak; M. de Serres, uncertain; M. de Pasquier, a Buonapartist in disguise; M. Portal, worst of all, a Protestant; M. Roy, a representative of the Hundred Days; M. Siméon, the minister of the Emperor Jerome; M. Mounier, secretary to the usurper." Such was the language of the Royalists, and the Liberals and Doctrinaires were not behind them in vehemence. In particular, M. Guizot published a pamphlet entitled, “On the Restoration of the Present Ministry," which made a great noise, chiefly by the graphic picture it presented of their difficulties and divisions. The bland temper and moderate disposition of the Duke de Richelieu was sorely tried by these accumulated attacks on every side; and, on his return from the embassy in London, he complained et du Ministo M. Decazes on the subject. "I wonder you are sur- par M. Guiprised," said he: "they betrayed me, they will betray Cap. vii. you; it is their part to do so it is impossible to act 173. with them." 1 At length matters came to such a pass that M. de Villèle and M. Corbière, finding they could no longer preserve terms with the Royalists on the one hand, and the semi-liberal Ministry on the other, resigned their * "Dans le procès des troubles du mois de Juin le pouvoir ministériel avait reculé devant un système de pénalité trop forte, trop afflictive. De tous ces débats était résultée la certitude qu'il existait un comité actif, dirigeant, dont les chefs et les projets étaient connus. Comment dès lors les Royalistes pouvaient-ils s'expliquer cette insouciance et cette faiblesse qui s'arrêtaient devant certains noms propres? La Correspondance de M. de Lafayette avec Gohier de la Sarthè révélait les desseins et les plans révolutionnaires: pourquoi ne pas la déposer comme pièce principale d'un acte d'accusation?"-CAPEFIGUE, Hist. de la Restauration, vii. 164. 1 De la Restauration, tère Actuel, zot, 34, 42; 161, 165, IX. 1821. 106. Rupture with the Royalists, and fall of the Riche lieu Minis try. CHAP. situations shortly before the parliamentary session came to a close. Chateaubriand retired with them, greatly regretted, from the embassy at Berlin. Negotiations upon this were opened with Monsieur and the Royalist chiefs, who wished to retain the Duke de Richelieu as premier, but demanded the Ministry of the Interior for M. de Villèle, the creation of a Ministry of Public Instruction for M. Corbière, the embassy at London for M. de Chateaubriand, and another embassy for M. de Vitrolles. The Cabinet offered the Ministry of the Marine to M. de Villèle, but held firm for retaining M. Mounier in the Ministry of the Interior, by far the most important for political influence of any in the Government. The negotiations broke off on this vital point, and Ministers, without the support of the Right, ventured to face the next session. In their expectations, however, of being able to go on without their support, they soon found themselves mistaken. The elections of 1821 considerably augmented the Royalist majority, already so great, and on the first division in the Chamber the latter were victorious by an immense majority. The speech of the Crown was studiously guarded, so as if possible to avoid a division; but in the answer of the Chamber to the king, a passage was inserted at which both the monarch and the Duke de Richelieu took mortal offence, as seeming to Ann Hit imply a doubt of their patriotism and honour.* The Moniteur, king returned a severe answer to the address,† and it was 1821. for a time thought the triumph of the minister was complete; but this hope proved fallacious.1 The Duke de 1 Cap. vii. 220, 247; iv. 205, 240; Dec. 15, * "Nous nous félicitons, Sire, de vos relations constamment amicales avec les puissances étrangères; dans la juste confiance qu'une paix si précieuse n'est point achetée par des sacrifices incompatibles avec l'honneur de la nation et avec la dignité de la Couronne.”—Moniteur, Nov. 30, 1821. Ann. Hist., iv. 228. + “Dans l'exil et la persécution, j'ai soutenu mes droits, l'honneur de ma race et celui du nom français; sur le trône, entouré de mon peuple, je m'indigne à la seule pensée que je puisse jamais sacrifier l'honneur français et la dignité de ma couronne. J'aime à croire que la plupart de ceux qui ont voté cette adresse n'en ont pas pesé toutes les expressions-s'ils avaient eu le temps de les apprécier, ils n'eussent pas souffert une supposition que, comme Roi, je ne dois pas caractèriser.”— Moniteur, Nov. 20, 1820. CAPEFIGUE, vii. 237. |