for securing this blessing to posterity; played in bringing about the Revolution and, lastly, to manifest their aversion, and for ever to blast all hopes of the Pretender, they advance and maintain the hereditary right as the only true right to the crown."

was perfectly justifiable, and not the sin represented by the preacher, Walpole concluded by stating that Sacheverell was guilty of the charge exhibited against him in the first article, and that he hoped the punishment inflicted upon the malignant libeller would be adequate to the heinousness of his offence.

His hopes were, however, not fulfilled. The end of this miserable episode is well known. Had Sacheverell been a patriot withstanding the grinding tyranny of a despot, or a soldier whose gallantry had retrieved the fallen fortunes of his country, instead of a clerical mountebank waging war at imaginary grievances, he could not have been more the idol of the hour. The Tories were pleased to regard him as a martyr, and extolled the virtues he had never displayed and the learning he never possessed. The clergy rallied round their persecuted brother, and proclaimed all who differed from them as enemies to the church.

Then touching upon the servile, Filmerlike theories which Sacheverell-that "seditious, discontented, hot-headed, ungifted, unedifying preacher, who had no hope of distinguishing himself in the world but by a matchless indiscretion"-had inculcated in his sermon, he cleverly exposed their shallow and unmanly reasoning. Where an English monarch governed according to the law, and maintained that constitution which had made him king in its true integrity, the obedience of every subject to his sovereign rule was not only a duty and a right, but the contrary became one of the most wicked offences in the calendar. The whole aspect of loyalty, however, was changed when the sovereign ignored the laws of his country, trampled under foot the liberties of his people, and practised such grievances as had been redressed by the Bill of Rights. "The doctrine of unlimited, unconditional, passive obedience," continued Walpole, "was first invented to support arbitrary and despotic power, and was never promoted or countenanced by any government that had not designs, some time or other, of making use of it. What, then, can be the design of preaching this doc-siasm could not be lost upon the ministers, trine now-unasked, unsought for-in her Majesty's reign, when the law is the only rule and measure of the power of the crown and of the obedience of the people? If, then, this doctrine can neither be an advantage nor security to her Majesty, who neither wants nor desires it, to what end and purpose must every thinking man conclude it is now set on foot, but to unhinge the present government by setting aside all that has been done in opposition to that doctrine? And when by these means the way is made clear to another's title, the people are ready instructed to submit to whatever shall be imposed upon them."

The crowd thronged about the coach of the prisoner as he drove to Westminster Hall, and eagerly implored his blessing. From every pulpit, in every coffee-house, on 'Change, in the boudoirs of fine ladies, and in the cockpit of the vulgar, the one cry was, "The church and Sacheverell!" The intensity of this enthu

who now saw how rash had been the resentment of Godolphin. By a majority of seventeen voices Sacheverell was found guilty; but a sentence so light was passed on the offender that it was regarded by the Tories as a victory, and celebrated with bonfires and illuminations. The sentence was that the rector of St. Saviour's should be suspended for three years, and his sermon be burned by the common hangman.

Upon Walpole the results of this trial were not thrown away. A man whose life reflected a genial paganism, who regarded all creeds with the impartiality of indifference, and who looked upon religion

After proving that the resistance dis- as a local accident, and as the result of

VOL. I.

3

hereditary influences, he now saw how difference of his political opinions, have

powerful was the hold of the Church of declined an invitation to dinner from a England upon her sons. He might consider friendly Tory, nor would the most bigoted her creed as a miserable compromise between of Tories have felt it incumbent on himself Vaticanism and Lutheranism, and sneer at to shun his neighbour because one hapher Prayer Book as a schedule to an Act of pened to be a member of the Carlton whilst Parliament; but a body of men who could the other was a member of Brookes'. But be so united in conflict, who were so jealous in the year 1711 political differences, inof their privileges, and who, by their pam- stead of being confined to the atmosphere phlets and pulpit oratory, could make a whole of Parliament, were carried into society. nation surge with a passionate excitement, The gentlemen of the October Club declined were clearly a foe not to be despised, and a | all acquaintance with the gentlemen of the foe that it was most advisable to win over Hanover Club. Men who had long been as an ally. From the day when Sacheve- intimate, but who now sat upon opposite rell passed out of Westminster Hall, con- sides of the House, became estranged. Swift victed yet triumphant, Walpole carefully and Addison, in spite of the difference of avoided ever coming into collision with the their political opinions, had been excellent clergy. Absorbed by one overwhelming friends, but now when they met contented ambition-the love of power-and deem- themselves with coldly saluting each other. ing all means justifiable which led to the At the opera the Tory dames of fashion maintenance of office, whenever his natural appropriated one part of the house to themsympathy for toleration clashed with the selves, displayed their political views in the prejudices, the wishes, or the exclusiveness fashion of their toilettes, and patched on the of the established religion of the land, he opposite side to the Whig ladies. All social deserted his principles and was on the side hospitalities were rigidly confined to party of the church. From dissent, politically adherents, and a young Whig or Tory had oppressed and socially scorned, he could as much chance of entering the house of a expect but little; with Anglicanism as his political opponent as a tradesman has at stanch supporter he could outbid the Tories, the present day of being received in the and add new strength to the tactics of his coteries of the Faubourg St. Germain. party. He became a churchman, very much Everywhere, in all its business and in all as certain men become religious, not through its amusements, society was divided into love, but through fear. two hostile sections, which, like parallel lines, ran side by side but never met.

The trial of Sacheverell sounded the knell of dissolution in the ears of the Whigs. Action and reaction are but the history of politics, and the Whigs were now as unpopular as had been the Tories a few months ago. Godolphin was ousted from office, and Walpole, in spite of the most tempting offers from Harley, the incoming minister, followed the fate of his leader. Never at any time of our history has party spirit ran higher than at this hour of Tory triumph. As a rule, the keenest political rivalry can exist without interfering with social arrangements. Even during the fever heat of the first Reform Bill the most vehement Whig would hardly, on account of the

By his bold and loyal conduct Walpole had now rendered himself an object not only of fear but of hate to the Tories. On every occasion the ex-secretary-at-war had shown himself true to his colours, and an antagonist that it was dangerous to rouse. He had declined to be bribed into office by Harley. He had exposed the conduct of the Tories and the real bent of their aim during the Sacheverell agitation. He had never ceased to denounce their foreign policy of tampering with Protestantism and the succession to the throne. His pen too, within the last few months, had been busy proving that Harley, St. John, and the rest had, in their

anxiety to accuse the Whigs of misgovern- | came across two notes of hand, one for ment, been guilty of the grossest inaccuracies. It was now suggested by his enemies that since he could be neither bribed nor silenced his removal from the House of Commons should be attempted. The Tories debated amongst themselves the best course to adopt. In the earlier stages of our parliamentary history, when ministers were absolute in their respective departments, and not required to lay their proceedings before the House of Commons, the temptation to make private profit out of the public affairs of the state became considerable. An unscrupulous man who held high office could rob the country on all hands. At the Treasury he had supreme control over the purse of the nation. As secretary of state he could pillage from contracts, receive bribes for the passing of tenders, use his private information for commercial speculations, and by buying cheap and charging the purchase as dear make a heavy profit out of every article that came within his department-from the timber supplied to the dockyards to the clothing supplied to the services. As a minor official he had similar opportunities for cheating without detection, and swelling his income at the expense of the nation.

five hundred guineas, and the other for five hundred pounds, which Walpole had received for allowing a certain forage contract to be passed. This was sufficient for their purpose. In vain Walpole most satisfactorily rebutted the charge of bribery; he denied that he had even received any private advantage out of the contract, and witness after witness from the War Department swore that the notes of hand did not belong to Walpole but to a friend of his, one Robert Mann, who was to have had a share in the contract. His prejudiced jury declined to be convinced; he was accused of a high breach of trust and notorious corruption, and committed prisoner to the Tower during the pleasure of the House. His conviction did him no harm, for it was plainly visible to all behind the scenes that he was perfectly innocent, and had only been made the victim of party hate. In his sketch of the Parliament that essayed to crush him, he thus sarcastically alludes to his trial and conviction: "Mr. Walpole," he writes, "had been often very troublesome in the House, talked of public accounts which he pretended to understand, and would upon all occasions be defending the late ministry where he thought them clear and innocent. He must therefore be sent to the Tower and expelled the House to prevent his giving Parliament further trouble; and for a charge against him, or anybody else, the Commissioners of Accounts, who have by this time sufficiently convinced the world that they are of no use but to sully the characters of those that are out of power, and to screen the

Thus the charge of peculation during the first half of the eighteenth century was always a favourite mode of proceeding to obtain the dismissal of an unpopular minister. The probability was, even if the accused were as just as Aristides and as above reproach as Bayard, that on a searching examination something might be discovered in his administration of official details which could be used and irregularities of those who are in, were distorted to serve the end required. When men bent upon convicting a rival are themselves the judges of the investigation they have instituted, there is never any very great difficulty in bringing in a verdict of guilty. Accordingly the Tories searched the ledgers of the War Department in the hope of trumping up a charge against their foe. To their delight they

ready as soon as the word was given to cook up a complaint sufficient for the present purpose, though falsified by positive evidence upon oath; but in all these censures it has so happened that the persons concerned may reckon them as so many honours done them.",

Walpole had good grounds for arriving at this conclusion. His imprisonment,