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other plan. Every member pledged himself to emancipate all slaves born his property, thereafter, on their reaching the age of twenty-five years; and if females their offspring with them. That was the only pledge. It was given by the members in honor and good feeling. There was no coercion, and any member might withdraw who felt disposed to do so. Membership was not confined to slaveholders; the society addressed itself to all classes of the community. It was counected with no religious denomination; it had no relation to any political party. It was above the range of partizan warfare.

There were great political reasons why the state of slavery could not be regarded as perpetual. There were causes in swift operation to destroy it. It was evident, that unless something effective be done in relation to this subject, almost immediately, the energies of the people would be unable to shake off the evil.

Slavery could not exist forever. Public sentiment had pronounced its downfall. It stood in opposition to the spirit of the age to the progress

of human improvement; it could not abide the light of the nineteenth century. The South American States, which are immeasurably behind us in every thing else, are yet before us on this subject. The singular spectacle is presented to the world of Brazil, the most impotent of despotic governments, and the United States, the freest and most enlightened of republics, standing side by side supporting the fabric of slavery. Can this juxtaposition, so shocking, so inconsistent, long abide the indignant scrutiny and denunciation of mankind? It cannot. Public sentiment from the four quarters of the world will roll upon us in heavy and merited rebuke; and we must either relinquish our national character and reputation, or we must relinquish our grasp upon our fellow-men. Public sentiment is irresistible and almost omnipotent.

Look at its progress and force in England on this subject. In 1826 Mr. Canning expressed his conviction that nothing could be done to destroy West India Slavery.

"Things must remain as they are.” In a few revolving years, public sentiment in England has reversed this decision of her great statesman, and in spite of the power of the West India interest,” has kuocked off the fetters from the West India negro. It spoke, and king and ministers and parliament were obliged to obey its behest.

The force of public opinion is eminently seen in putting an end to the slave trade. That traffic in human flesh and sinew was carried on in Eng. land, not only without shame, but with government patronage. Good men were engaged in it. Large pecuniary interests were involved. "By this craft, many had their wealth.” And yet it has been but about fortyseven years since Mr. Wilberforce introduced the subject of the slave trade into the British Parliament, and now this traffic, once esteemed invocent, if not honorable, is regarded as piracy, and punished with death, and those who pursue it, considered as little better than incarnate demons. And in this country public sentiment is fast meliorating In Virginia, the subject of slavery has been freely discussed in her Legislature-and Maryland is determined to rid herself of the evils of a black population. Kentucky is rapidly awakening. The public penetration sees the impossibility of the perpetuity of slavery, and the only question of patriotic anxiety is, how shall we get rid of it? If slavery continue unmodified, the beautiful Ohio must, one day—and that day, not so distant as we may imagine—be the boundary between the white and black races. The slave states will be depopulated of their white inhabitants.

Mr. B. then adverted to the rapid increase of the slave population. It was owing not to their peculiar nature-the natural fecundity of the blacks was not greater than that of the whites, was less in fact, but to adventitious causes. (Mr. B. then exhibited some striking statistical facts on the com

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parative increase of the two races, showing that the ratio of the blacks was two or three fold over that of the whites in some of the states. ]

How long, said Mr. B. can this state of things be borne? Will not the white population be swallowed up? What are the causes of this growing increase of the African over the European race? It is owing, in the first place, to the introduction of slaves. The domestic slave traffic is carried on with an enormity, only inferior to the African slave trade. High minded and chivalrous Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky, furnish the victims of this infamous traffic, and ally themselves to the African Slaver. The second cause of the rapid excess of the black over the white population is, that the tendency of slavery is to displace, and drive off the whites. In the South, the situation of a poor white man, in the vicinity of the wealthy planter, is uncomfortable and degrading. He removes to a free state, where there is scope for his industry and exertion. The poor white man cannot subsist—labor is disgraceful in the vicinity of slaves. Slavery impedes improvement in civilization and science. A system of common schools cannot flourish in a slave state. How much soever I approve the object, I fear, said Mr. B. that the efforts of the friends of common school education in this state, are destined to disappointment. In Louisiana $380,000 had been expended; and, according to Gov. Romain, 380 indigent youth had not been educated.

There is a fact connected with this subject, which may appear chimerical to many—but it is one which time will certainly develope. Slave labor, when the population becomes dense, and the means of subsistence less abundant, will sink in value, and become finally valueless. We are surrounded on all sides by free labor; West India free negro labor will, in a few

years, come into competition, in the culture of southern productions, with slave labor. Then the time will come, as John Randolph once remarked, when, instead of the slave running away from the master, "the master will run away from the slave.

Mr. B. then remarked upon the impossibility of keeping in subjection the increasing millions of slaves of this country. Standing armies would be vain. We could not look for assistance from our neighbors of the free states, whose interference or even advice, we reject now with indignation. We now tell them we can manage the matter; they will then tell us to manage it ourselves. Neither can the slave states help each other.

But has Kentucky any interest in this condition of the Southern States? She has. Compare her census with Ohio. (Here Mr. B. gave the census of the two states from 1790, showing that Ohio was now nearly double Kentucky in free population; and that the ratio in Kentucky of the white increase, was diminishing.) What is the cause of this? Where are the sons of Kentucky? Go to Ohio, to Indiana, and Illinois, and you will find them. They have left their native soil, more fertile and salubrious, to be free from the curse of slavery. Shall we, asked Mr. B. remain in stupid repose, till this cloud, not larger at first than a man's hand, increase, rise, and spread over the whole horizon, and pour down upon us furious ruin and destruction? What must be done? (He then expressed his warm approbation of the Colonization Society; but gave it as his conviction that it could not relieve us of the black population. He regarded it, however, as a valuable auxiliary to the cause of gradual emancipation.] · Mr. B. denied that this scheme favoured the idea of amalgamation, and answered the question, How shall the races live together? They live together now, said Mr. B., and why not then. This objection is predicated on the expectation that they will continue forever in degradation and vice. But the melioration of knowledge, science, and liberty must be brought to bear upon them; they must be raised in the scale of respectability and im

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provement. And why can they not be? I do not deny, said be, that much inconvenience and difficulty will attend the execution of our plan. It is to be expected; and it becomes us to bear with patience all the difficulty that will attend it. If the negroes are degraded, who has made them so?

We have but one alternative before us-slavery perpetuated, -finally to bring down upon us certain, inevitable, resistless ruin, or gradual emancipation? Which shall we choose? We are urged to the latter choice by every mo. tive that can impel men to action; by love of country, -by our interest in the welfare of posterity,—by the dictates of prudence,-and by the sacred incentives of humanity and philanthropy.

[Western Luminary, Lexington, Ky. March 5, 1834.



DUANESBURGH, N. Y. Feb. 17, 1834. Estensive as the circulation of the African Repository is, and ardently as the subject of colonization, in certain quarters, has been discussed, stili, in many places, information upon the subject is very limited. The extent and intense character of the claims of colonization upon the community at large, have yet to be felt. Editors of our daily and weekly journals do not often find it convenient to bring the matter before their readers; and, for reasons too well known, some connected with the public press, are indisposed to give the cause a favourable notice.

The formation of County Societies, where State Societies exist, is yet but partial; and were they more general than they are, they would be inadequate to the diffusion and bringing home of the information requisite to operate upon, and call out individual liberality, in the promotion of the

Local associations, as at present evinced in the Temperance reform, and as has been evinced in other objects, operate with an effieiency altogether surprising, when acting in concert, and in subordination to a kindred institution of more general character. This may, though it escaped my attention, have been suggested before. And if it have, is it not worthy of being repeated? Let it be exemplified by some distinguished characters in our principal cities, and be publicly noticed; and in places more remote, the laudable example will soon be followed. Let it be distinctly understood that such local societies may, at pleasure, be auxiliary to the County, State, or Parent Society.

It is cheering to find this association, notwithstanding some unaccountable forms of opposition made to it, advancing in its hallowed march. It is trusted, that, from the pursuit of its exalted aims, it will not be turned aside, either by the suspicious sensitiveness of southern patriotism, or by the reckless fanaticism of the ill-advised northern abolitionist. The idea suggested by a correspondent of the Repository, appears of great importance:-that the Colonization Society continue to occupy its own general and appropriate ground, disavowing all responsibility for the peculiar and individual views of its friends. Surely the enlightened Southerner, when he seriously reflects upon the subject, cannot in earnest frown upon this Institution. It is but a small item in that sum of causation which is irresistibly at work for the final emancipation of every human being upon earth; and to the action of which none gives a nightier impulse than himself. The patriot of the North, on this subject, will have no conflict with him of the South. Their principle of action is one; and a temperate, while earnest, following of it out, will show them in bermony in the practical result.

With the abolitionist, it seems impossible, practically, to sympathize. The difficulty, indeed, is not in the principle of abstract right. Here all are agreed. But as a matter of fact, can the black man, in this land, ever occupy the elevated ground of the white man? No, never. Is the abolitionist himself actually prepared for family amalgamation! No. And yet, short of this, the son of Africa can never enjoy an equality with his fellow citizen, of European origin. Could the millions of our African race, at this day, obtain an absolute and unqualified emancipation how little would the most favoured of them have gained? This little, however, at present is, impossible to be had. Shall we, tben, listen to the abolitionist and do nothing, because every thing cannot be done at once? Shall we refuse to make thousands truly free and happy, because millions cannot be nominally so? Must the emancipated black man be continued in debasement of condition, because others of his race are in bondage? The truth is but imperfectly felt, that emancipation would do little,-may it not be said, nothing, worse than nothing,—for the unfortunate negro, if he must remain in the land of white meil.

But, no: Liberia opens to him a country he can call his owó, and there he may

be free indeed. In Liberia the American patriot sees the black man's home. There he sees, with pleasure, an avenue opening by which light may travel, and spread its benign influence, over benighted Africa.Benevolence, with joy, contemplates at no great distance, the melioration of man's condition in that much injured land. Christianity marks, with exultation, a commanding station for her missionary heralds; and beneficent calculation finds, in the present acquisitions of Liberia, more, far more, than an adequate compensation for all that has been expended upon it by Americau liberality. That liberality has but commenced its donations. When it is once known to our country at large, that the American Colonization Society, beyond any other one of the age, embraces a combination of the interests of humanity, benevolence, patriotism, justice, and Christianity, funds will not be refused for the accomplishment of objects so dear to the hearts of good men.



The Rev. J. B. Pinney, temporary Colonial Agent, to the Rev. R. R. GURLEY, Secretary of the Colonization Society.

LIBERIA, MARCH 7, 1834. VERY DEAR Sır:- I have the pleasure, by return of the Jupiter, to announce our safe arrival in Liberia, on the last day of '33. With the usual exception of sea-sickness, there was an almost perfect exemption from disease during the passage. My own health, which was somewhat feeble, when I had the pleasure of seeing you last, mended rapidly, and I landed here in almost perfect health. With very slight exceptions, it has continued good up to this date. The voyage, which was protracted by contrary winds to 56 days, was nevertheless deprived of much tedium, by the pleasantness of the company, all of whom were in excellent spirits up to the time of our arrival. In praise of our acconimodations, however, little can be said. The ship's deck was lumbered from stem to stern, which added greatly to the natural unpleasantness of being extremely crowded. Neither passengers nor emigrants had reason to be satisfied; the latter especially, 54 in uumbur, were literally stowed together. Nothing but the smiles of

Providence, in continuing almost uninterrupted smocth weather, and thus enabling many to remain on deck all night, could have prevented disease, arising from their crowded state.

Peculiar care, I would advise, should ever be taken to guard against such occurrences. The fault at present cannot be charged upon Mr. McPhail, who, as I can testify, used every exertion to prevent it, by calling a survey. The number which he intended to embark, was but 50; though soon after the vessel set sail, it was ascertained there were 51. For this number, I have given Mr. Bogart a receipt, but do most thoroughly believe it would be perfectly just to refuse payment for the extra four, whose presence only helped to increase the discomfort of the others.

The emigrants were, with a few exceptions, sent to Caldwell for the first week, until, by the most strenuous exertions, one of the receptacles sent out two years since, was erected at Monrovia, when all were placed in it; and I rejoice to say, have, under Dr. Todsen's manayement, all passed through the first attack of the fever, excepting one very aged female, who refused to take medicine, and two small children, who died soon after our arrival. The attacks of fever have been very light in almost every case. Indeed, so slight were they, and so long delayed in the case of the mission families, that our hopes for several weeks, were sanguine, that all would escape. But I lament to add, that in two cases we have been mournfully disappointed. Mrs. Wright, after attending upon her husijand nearly three weeks, with unremitting attention, was attacked with the fever, just as he had become convalescent. Her case did not present any alarining symptoms for several days, until unfortunately, some medicine was, by imprudence in the nurse, adıninistered in too yreat quantities, which caused her speedy and sudden dissolution. Mr. Savage, a young gentleman from the western part of New York, followed her in one or two days, worn 10 a mere skeleton by the wasting fever which had preyed upon him for vearly six months, before the physician's arrival. They were both lovely, and neither could fail, even upon a short acquaintance, to awaken an uncommon interest. We mourn our loss, not theirs. The other members of the missions are all recovering, and able to walk out occasionally. I may add, that

, the general health in the Colony is at present very good—the deaths very few.

By some oversight, a commission was given me, unaccompanied with a line of instruction from the Board, in relation to their views, or even a hint to guide my conduct; and by an equally surprising casualty, two vessels from the United States have arrived without bringing any despatches. I regret this the more, as, notwithstanding I had anticipated many difficule ties, I have found them vastly exceed my imaginings, which I shall, ini no. small degree, attribute to this very destitution of intelligence from Washington. You will perceive I am preparing a screen for any mistakes whi:b may be developed in the subjoined account of my proceedings.

The military companies of Monrovia met me at the whart of the Rer. C. M. Waring, and politely escorted me to the Agency House, where I received the Colonial seals from the Vice-Agent, G. R. McGill, and entered at once on the duties of my temporary office. The fact that it was temporary, did not lessen in any degree the sense of res;:onsibility and the desire to do all in my power to advance the interests of the Colony. Wherein I have failed, it must be attributed to any other cause than intentional nego Ject. You are doubtless aware that affairs were very much deranged, and that very many things needed immediate attention; but the reality in other respect you cannot know, for you have not seen. Almost every public building needed repairs and expense. Unsettled bills for coffins, nurses, rented stores and houses, mechanics, &c. in addition to floating accept

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