the sword on their own children; but, if they do, our blood is more at their service than our liberties."

In New York, the merchants still held those meetings which Hillsborough condemned. "The circumstances of the colonies demand a firmer union," said men of Pennsylvania. The assembly of Maryland treated Lord Hillsborough's letter with the contempt he had ordered them to show for the circular of Massachusetts, and they sent their thanks to "their sister colony, in whose opinion they exactly coincided." As for South Carolina, they could not enough praise the glorious ninety-two who July. would not rescind; toasting them at banquets; and marching by night through the streets of Charleston, in processions to their honor, by the blaze of two and ninety torches.

1768.

English statesmen were blind to the character of events which were leading to the renovation of the world. Not so the Americans. Village theologians studied the Book of Revelation to see which seal was next to be broken, which angel was next to sound his trumpet. "Is not God preparing the way in his providence," thus New England ministers communed together, "for some remarkable revolutions in Christendom, both in polity and religion?"

Who will deny that humanity has a life and progress of its own, swaying its complex mind by the guiding truths which it develops as it advances? While New England was drawing from the Bible proof of the nearness of the overthrow of tyranny, Turgot, at Paris, explained to David Hume the perfectibility and onward movement of the race. "The British government," said he, "is very far from being an enlightened one. As yet none is thoroughly so. But tyranny, combined with superstition, vainly strives to stifle light and liberty by methods alike atrocious and useless; the world will be conducted through transient disorders to a happier condition."

In that progress, the emancipation of America was to form a glorious part, and was the great object of the French minister for foreign affairs. "We must put aside projects and attend to facts," wrote Choiseul to Du Châ

telet in July, after a conversation of six hours with a person intimately acquainted with America. "My idea, which perhaps is but a reverie, is to examine the possibility of a treaty of commerce, both of importation and exportation, of which the obvious advantages might attract the Americans. According to the prognostications of sensible men, who have had opportunity to study their character, and to measure their progress from day to day in the spirit of independence, the separation of the American colonies from the metropolis, sooner or later, must come. The plan I propose hastens its epoch. It is the true interest of the colonies to secure for ever their entire liberty, and establish their direct commerce with France and with the world. We have every reason to hope that the government on this side will conduct itself in a manner to increase the breach, not to close it up. Such is its way. True, some sagacious observers think it not only possible, but easy, to reconcile the interests of the colonies and the mother country; but the course pursued thus far by the British government seems to me completely opposite to what it ought to be to effect this conciliation."

While time and humanity, the principles of English liberty, the impulse of European philosophy, and the policy of France were all assisting to emancipate America, the British colonial administration, which was to stop the force of moral causes in their influence on the affairs of men, vibrated in its choice of measures between terror and artifice. American affairs were left by the other ministers very much to the management of Hillsborough; and he took his opinions from Bernard. That favorite governor was promising the council of Massachusetts that, if they would omit to discuss the question of the power of parliament, he would support their petition for relief. The council followed the advice; and Bernard, as a fulfilling of his engagement, wrote a letter which he showed to several of them, recommending that part of the petition praying relief against such acts as were made "for the purpose of drawing a revenue from the colonies." Then, in a secret despatch of the same date, he sent an elaborate

1768. July.

argument against the repeal or any mitigation of the late revenue act; quieting his conscience for the fraud by saying that "drawing a revenue from the colonies" meant carrying a revenue out of them; and that be wished to see the revenue from the port duties expended on the resident officers of the crown.

1768.

July.

Great Britain at that time had a colonial secretary who encouraged this duplicity, and wrote an answer to be shown the council, keeping up the deception, and even using the name of the king, as a partner in the falsehood. Hillsborough greedily drank in the flattery offered him, and affected distress at showing the king the expressions of the partiality of Bernard. In undertaking the "very arduous task of reducing America into good order," he congratulated himself on having "the aid of a governor so zealous, able, and active," who, having educated Hutchinson for his successor, was now promised the rank of a baronet and the administration of Virginia.

CHAPTER XXXV.

THE REGULATORS OF NORTH CAROLINA.

1768. July.

HILLSBOROUGH'S

ADMINISTRATION OF THE COLONIES CONTINUED.

JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1768.

THE people of Boston had gone out of favor with almost everybody in England. Even Rockingham had lost all patience, saying the Americans were determined to leave their friends on his side the water, without the power of advancing in their behalf a shadow of excuse. This was the state of public feeling, when, on the nineteenth of July, Hallowell arrived in London, with letters giving an exaggerated account of what had happened in Boston on the tenth of June. London, Liverpool, and Bristol grew anxious; stocks fell. There arose rumors of a suspension of commerce, and America owed the merchants and manufacturers of England four millions sterling. Nearly all the ministers united in denouncing "vengeance against that insolent town" of Boston. "If the government," said they, now gives way, as it did about the stamp act, it will be all over with its authority in America." As Grafton had escaped to the country, Hallowell was examined at the treasury chambers before Lord North and Jenkinson. He represented that the determination to break the revenue laws was not universal; that the revenue officers who remained there were not insulted; that the spirit displayed in Boston did not extend beyond its limits; that Salem and Marblehead made no opposition to the payment of the duties; that the people in the country would not join, if Boston were actually to resist government; and that the four commissioners at the castle

66

could not return to town, till measures were taken for their protection.

The memorial of the commissioners themselves to the lords of the treasury announced that "there had been a long concerted and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain; that the people of Boston had hastened to acts of violence sooner than was intended; that nothing but the immediate exertion of military power could prevent an open revolt of the town, which would probably spread throughout the provinces." The counter memorial in behalf of Boston, proving that the riot had been caused by the imprudent and violent proceedings of the officers of the "Romney," met little notice. At the same time, letters arrived from Virginia, with petitions and memorial, "expressed with modesty and dutiful submission;" but, under the calmest language, uttering a protest against the right of parliament to tax America for a revenue.

1768.

July.

The party of Bedford, and the duke himself, spoke openly of the necessity of employing force to subdue the inhabitants of Boston, and to make a striking example of the most seditious, in order to inspire the other colonies with terror. This policy, said Weymouth, will be adopted.

Shelburne, on the contrary, observed that people very much exaggerated the difficulty; that it was understood in its origin, its principles, and its consequences; that it would be absurd to wish to send to America a single additional soldier or vessel of war to reduce colonies, which would return to the mother country of themselves from affection and from interest, when once the form of their contributions should be agreed upon. But his opinions had no effect, except that the king became "daily " more importunate with Grafton that Shelburne should be dismissed.

The cabinet were also "much vexed " at Shelburne's reluctance to engage in secret intrigues with Corsica, which resisted its cession by Genoa to France. The subject was therefore taken out of his hands, and the act of bad faith conducted by his colleagues. Unsolicited by Paoli, the general of the insurgents, they sent to him Dunant, a Genevese,