1774. Dec. The condition of Massachusetts was anomalous; three hundred thousand people continued their usual avocations in undisturbed tranquillity without a legislature or executive officers, without sheriffs, judges, or justices of the peace. As the supervision of government disappeared, each man seemed more and more a law to himself; and, as if to show that the world had been governed too much, order prevailed in a province where in fact there existed no administration but by committees, no military officers but those chosen by the militia. Yet never were legal magistrates obeyed with more alacrity. The selectmen continued their usual functions; the service in the churches increased in fervor. From the sermons of memorable divines, who were gone to a heavenly country, leaving their names precious among the people of God on earth, a brief collection of faithful testimonies to the cause of God and his New England people was circulated by the press, that the hearts of the rising generation might know what had been the great end of the plantations, and count it their duty and their glory to continue in those right ways of the Lord wherein their fathers walked before them. Their successors in the ministry, all pupils of Harvard or Yale, lorded over by no prelate, with the people, and of the people, and true ministers to the people, unsurpassed by the clergy of an equal population in any part of the globe for learning, ability, and virtue, for metaphysical acuteness and familiarity with the principles of political freedom, were heard as of old with reverence by their congregations in their meeting-houses on every Lord's Day, and on special occasions of fasts, thanksgivings, lectures, and military musters. Elijah's mantle being caught up was a happy token that the Lord would be with this generation, as he had been with their fathers. Their exhaustless armory was the Bible, whose scriptures were stored with weapons for every occasion; furnishing sharp words to point their appeals, apt examples of resistance, prophetic denunciations of the enemies of God's people, and promises of the divine blessing on the defenders of his law. But what most animated the country was the magnanimity of Boston; "suffering amazing loss, but determined to endure poverty and death, rather than betray America and posterity." Its people, under the eyes of the general, disregarding alike his army, his proclamations against a provincial congress, and the British statute against town-meetings, came together according to their ancient forms; and, with Samuel Adams as moderator, elected delegates to the next provincial congress of Massachusetts. 1774. Dec. CHAPTER XVII. THE KING REJECTS THE OFFERS OF CONGRESS. DECEMBER, 1774-JANUARY, 1775. 1774. Dec. "It will be easy to sow division among the delegates to the congress," said Rochford to Garnier: "they will do nothing but bring ridicule upon themselves by exposing their weakness." When just before the adjournment of parliament their proceedings reached England, their firmness, moderation, and unanimity took the ministry by surprise. "It is not at all for the interests of France that our colonies should become independent," repeated Rochford. "The English minister," reasoned Garnier, "thinks that, after all, they may set up for themselves." Franklin invited the colonial agents to unite in presenting the petition of congress, but he was joined only by those who were employed by Massachusetts. Dartmouth received it courteously, and laid it before the king, who promised that after the recess it should be communicated to parlia ment. Barrington, the military secretary, was the first to confess the weakness of his department. British industry made every able-bodied man of so much value that considerable enlistments at home were out of the question; rank in the army was bestowed by favor or sold for money, so that even boys at school held commissions; and not one general officer of that day had gained a great name. Aristocratic selfishness had unfitted England for war, unless under a minister who could inspirit the nation. Barrington, therefore, who had advised "that the seven regiments in Boston should be directed to leave a place where they could do no good, and without intention might do harm," and who was persuaded that the navy by itself was able to worry Massachusetts into "submission without shedding a drop of blood," once more pressed his opinions upon the government. "The contest," said he, "will cost more than we can gain. We have not strength to levy internal taxes on America; many amongst ourselves doubt their equity; all the troops in North America are not enough to subdue the Massachusetts; the most successful conquest must produce the horrors of civil war. Till the factious chiefs can be secured, judicial proceedings would confer the palm of martyrdom without the pain; " and he urged an immediate withdrawal of the troops, the "abandonment of all ideas of internal taxation,' 99 and such "concessions as could be made with dignity." 1774. Dec. Lord North rejected the propositions of congress, which included the repeal of the act regulating Massachusetts; but he was ready to negotiate with the Americans for the right to tax themselves. Franklin appeared as the great agent of the continent; and, as it was believed that his secret instructions authorized him to modify the conditions of conciliation, Lord Howe undertook to ascertain the extent of his powers. The name was dear to Americans. The elder Lord Howe had fallen on their soil, as their companion in arms; and Massachusetts raised to him a monument in Westminster Abbey. His brother, William Howe, who had served with Americans in America, was selected as the new colonial commander in chief; and his oldest surviving brother, now Lord Howe, also honored in America as a gallant and upright naval officer, was to be commissioned as a pacificator. "No man," said Lord Howe to Franklin at their first interview on Christmas-day evening, "can do more towards reconciling our differences than you. That you have been very ill-treated by the ministry, I hope will not be considered by you. I have a particular regard for New England, which has shown an endearing respect for my family. If you will indulge me with your ideas, I may be a means of bringing on a good understanding." At the unexpected prospect of restoring harmony, tears of joy wet Franklin's cheeks. He had remained in London at the peril of his liberty, perhaps of his life, to promote reconciliation, and the only moment for securing it was come. With firmness, candor, and strict fidelity to congress, he explained the measures by which alone tranquillity could be restored; and they included the repeal of the regulating act for Massachusetts. Dec. Lord Howe reported the result of the interview to Dartmouth and North; but they trusted to the plan of commissioners who should repair to America and endeavor to agree with its leading people upon some means of composing all differences. Every prospect of preferment was opened to Franklin, if he would take part in such a commission. With exact truth and frankness, he pointed out, as 1774. the basis for a cordial union, the repeal of the acts complained of; the removal of the fleet and the troops from Boston; and a voluntary recall of some oppressive measures which the colonists had passed over in silence; leaving the questions which related to aids, general commerce, and reparation to the India company, to be arranged with the next general congress. The assembly of Jamaica, at their session in December, affirmed the rights of the colonies, enumerated their grievances, enforced their claims to redress, and entreated the king as a common parent to become the mediator between his European and American subjects, and to recognise the title of the Americans to the benefits of the English constitution as the bond of union between the colonists and Britain. At the same time, they disclaimed the intention of joining the American confederacy; "for," said they, "weak and feeble as this colony is, from its very small number of white inhabitants, and its peculiar situation from the incumbrance of more than two hundred thousand slaves, it cannot be supposed that we now intend, or ever could have intended, resistance to Great Britain." The commercial importance of the island gave them a claim to be heard; but their petition, though received by the king and communicated to the house of commons, had no effect what ever. "It is plain enough," thus reasoned Vergennes, “the |