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is used with success. Many farmers of this county have lost by it several hundreds of pounds.

“I do not, lays our Author, find that this distemper is infectious; but, alas, it is hereditary, and equally from fire and dam; and, like other hereditary distempers, may lie latent one generation (not more, so far as I hear) and then revives with all its former fury: so that when a sheep-master finds it in his fock, he cannot, with any prudence, breed any longer out of that blood

Mr. Comber' pronounces it an incontrovertible point, that whatever sheep is once seized by this distemper, never recovers ; and it seems, he adds, almost as incontrovertible, that whatever sheep escapes it in his first years, never takes it: and it appears, by a note at this place, that it seizes them about spring, in the second year.

The taint of this distemper, we are told, is not to be guessed at by any fymptom of not thriving, &c. till it actually breaks out all at once; so that sheep tainted with it, may be bought by the most judicious shepherd, as not liable to this malady,' It is generally said to be of about 40 years standing in England; and the shepherds of this county pretend to trace it from the neighbouring county of Lincoln hither. If this circumstance be true, it is, at first appearance, a dreadful one; for if this diseafe has long had footing in that large sheep county, it may be reasonably feared that it may have been transmitted by mula titudes of rams and ewes fent for brood into many counties of England.'

It is justly observed, by this Writer, that we are so national as to be unwilling to have any thing bad thought to be originally ours.' Accordingly, this sheep-diftemper is generally, as he informs us," said to be imported from Holland. But Mr. C. questions the fact, and says, he knows not from what nation, within these 50 years, the English were likely to import sheep to improve their breed. Not from France, nor Spain, for obvious reasons ; least of all into Lincolnshire, whose fine breed would be hurt by a mixture of these.'

But, as our Author rightly observes, it is of much less confequence to know in what country this distemper first appeared, than to be well informed of its present state among us; in the hope that a cure may be found : or, if not, that the farmer may be taught, by good authority, to give up all hopes of that kind, and to quit the whole breed as soon as possible.

The Author now proceeds to give a brief description of the three principal stages of this dreadful disease.

The first symptom is a kind of light-headedness, which makes the affected sheep appear wilder than usual, when the shepherd,


or any person, approaches him. He bounces up suddenly from his laire, and runs to a distance, as though he were pursued by dogs ; and this our Author fupposes to be an indication that his fight is affected.

In the second ftage; the principal symptom is the sheep's rubbing himself against trees, &c. with such fury as to pull off his wool, and tear away his flesh. The distreiled animal has now a violent itching in his skin, the effect of an highly ina flamed blood; but it does not appear that there is ever any cutaneous eruption, or falutary critical discharge. In short, from all circumstances, the fever appears now to be at its height."

The last stage of this malady, seems to be only the progress of diffolution, after an unfavourable crisis. The poor animal, as condemned by Nature, appears stupid, walks irregularly, (whence, probably, the name Rickets) generally lies, and eats lircle: these symptoms increase in degree, till death, which follows a general consumption, as appears upon diffection of the carcase; the juices, and even solids, having suffered a general dissolution.'

Our Author does not find that there is any precise time from the first symptoms of the distemper to the animal's death ;' but he apprehends that the time of this disease, like all of the consumptive kind, varies in inverse proportion to its violence, whence, in the human species, we talks of low and galloping consumptions and fevers.'

As to the cause of this horrid distemper, it does not seem to have been absolutely discovered; but Mr. Comber mentions an investigation of it, by Mr. Beal, an intelligent gentleman farmer of his acquaintance; who had greatly suffered by this malady among his theep; and to whom our Author is obliged fur the description which he has given us of its several stages. Mr. B. having observed that the principal feat of the disease appeared to be in the head of the creature, from whence it spread itself through the whole body, he rationally lupposed that by dissecting the head of a sheep dying of this disorder, he might discover foniething which would lead to the cause, and perhaps the cure. In confequence of this thought, he diffected the heads of several sheep, thus dying, and in the brain (or rather, I fuppose, the membranes adjoining) found, without one exception, a maggot, about a quarter of an inch long, and of a brownih colour.-! asked Mr. B. whether any other farmers, who had theep dying of this ditieinper, had observed this curious phænomenon. He anfwered, that " he spoke of his difcovery to feveral sheep-masters, but he believed them too inattentive to try any experiments. They are persuaded that no femedy can prove available, and therefore fix their attention folely to the go:cing quit of the llocs which is scized by that evil.”

Our Author juftly remarks, that sheep-masters ought to caufe the head of every sheep which dies of this distemper to be dife sected, in order to ascertain whether such a maggot as Mr. B. discovered, be in each of them ; also that they would kill the sheep thus seized, if thought incurable, at different stages, and note the progress of this maggot, from the first discovery which can be made of it.'--Finally, that the maggot, if found, should be suffered to complete its progress in the head of the dead sheep, and be nicely watched, in order to trace out the infect, if such be the parent of this evil.' He recommends, too, that the season of the year in which the sheep are thus feized should be noted; but he had before obferved, that the rickers feize them about spring.' Probably the knowledge of this fact occurred after the letter was written ; and therefore the Author threw it into his note, p. 76. We may add, that this seafort agrees with the hypothefis of the distemper's arifing from the eggs of infeas laid in autumn, and hatched in the spring.

Mr. Comber concludes with modeftly offering a conjeétore, founded on the supposition that the constant existence of the maggot in the head of the dying sheep be afcertained, viz. that • the insect's rgs, whence it is produced, must be drawn up the nose by the theep while feeding, and by the various vesels of the head lodged near the brain ; and that the lymptoms of the various stages of this distemper, may be the effect of the various stages of the infect's hatching in such a cale, migho not some application to the sheep's nose prevent the malady, ac the critical season? I own, however, that the circumstance of this malady's being confined to some particular breeds, fcenis at present utterly unaccountable; unless we should suppose the cafier admittance of this animalcula to depend on the larger vefsels of the head in some breeds.'— The grand question, after all, is, How far the fact may be depended upon as authentic ? Mr. Comber absolutely believes it, on the credit of Mr. Beal's experiments; however difficult or impossible it may be to account for it on any natural principles: and he farther informs his Readers, that he is assured, by several persons of credit, that a diftemper exactly the same with the rickets in sheep, is found to have arisen, of late years, among the deer, in some parks. If so, it may, surely, be expected that GENTLEMEN, the owners of parks, will not be so incurious, or inattentive as common farmers are, with regard to their flocks ; but will cause the most strict observation to be made on such deer as they may have the misfortune to lose in this miserable manner, in hopes that by some lucky appearance, not only the cause of this frightful and fatal disease may be with certainty affigned, but the means of cure, or prevention, be happily discovered.


Art. V. Marhal's Travels through Holland. Flanders, Germany, Den

mark, &c. concluded. See our last Month's Review. N the former account of this work we just mentioned the

agreeable visit which this Writer informs us he accidentally made, while he was in Denmark, to Count de Roncellen, whose noble undertakings and improvements upon his estate are equally honourable to himself and beneficial to his country. Mr. Marshal justly reflects how infinitely superior, even as to felf-satisfaction, such an employment of life and fortune is, to the lavishing of both in thew and dissipation, in electioneering, gaming, &c. which bring on a variety of difficulties, are generally productive of remorse and disgust, and carry us through life, labouring under the regret of incesant disappointments.

Among other obfervations on the constitution of Denmark, we find the following : 'It has been common, says Mr. M. in many historians and political writers, to speak of the government of Denmark as an absolute monarchy, founded on the right and justice of a free gift, but nothing can be more preposterous.-The account of the tranfa&tion, as given us by the best authors, sets forth, that the commons, di'gusted with the tyrannical be: haviour of the nobles, went in a pet to the palace, and made an offer of their lives, liberties, and properties, to the King, without ever asking the concurrence of the third estate ; the nobles, which was the principal of the three, were utterly against the measure, as the most unheard-of monster in the world ; and though they agreed in it at last, yet every writer is sufficiently clear, that it was by force they came into the agreement, and not till the gates of Copenhagen were shut and guarded, and troops posted all over the town. This was the free gift so much boasted of by some of the Navilh historians of this country. It is extremely evident, from the face of the transaction, that the final and complete agreement, which gave an appearance of validity to the act, was forced, and consequently null and void ; but when once arbitrary power is erected, however unjustly, who is to overturn it? who is to oppose it? None but some bold, desperate, and enthusiastic lovers of liberty, who, rising from the slavish condition of their brethren, dare to draw the sword of liberty, by despots miscalled that of rebellion. The chance of such men being found, and of circumstances which may give them success, is too great to be looked for. But where is the right to that despotism which the Kings of Denmark have assumed ? Not in the free gift of the states, I think, is very clear ; but even fuppofing the nobles had agreed in the measure, did it from thence follow, that the ftates of the day have an unlimited power to make Naves of all their pofterity? I am very sensible that there are more univers fities than one who would very readily give a decision in the affirmative; but for the honour of humanity, I hope there are numerous bodies of men who would disdain the reasoning.'

Mr. Marshal speaks of Copenhagen as a fine city, strong by nature, 'and farther strengthened by numerous works added to it in the modern stile of fortification. The most striking object, he says, is the harbour and the naval arsenal; it is capacious enough to hold five hundred men of war, and yet only one ship can come in at a time.—The King's feet lies arranged between booms, and against them magazines, with the name of each fhip on the door of the store-rooms belonging to her, and every thing is kept in the compleatest order.' After ocher remarks upon this city, our Author proceeds to relate some long conversations which he had with the Count de Smikelane and the Baron de Rosenburg: in which particular notice is taken of a proposal that was made to the late King of Denmark of opening a commerce with the great southern unknown continent, called the. Terra Australis; but the King would not come into the scheme; being pressed more than once upon that head, his only answer was, let me hear no more of the matter; for which reason no attempt was made. The Count de Smike.' lane appears as a warm advocate for this plan, though he observes that these attempts of new discovery are not defirable to nations who have already colonies and settlements enough. This remark of the Count's gives rise to several reflections of Mr. Marshal's upon the subject, some of which we will here transcribe.

All experience tells us, says he, that when once a nation fits down contented, and says to herself we have in. dustry enough, we have colonies fufficient, we want no more trade, let us confine ourselves to make the most of what we have already gained. Whenever a nation acts (or rather ceases to be active) on such principles, we may safely venture to pronounce her decline at hand. It is impossible chat industry and commerce should be stationary ; if it ceases to advance, it will go backward; activity and motion are the foul of its fuccess; trade never makes such gigantic strides as in the midst of wars, enterprizes, and a continual bustle.' After introducing the case of the Dutch, and of the Portugueze, as striking instances of this, he proceeds, ' Might I not thew that this is not peculiar to forming fettlements of trade, but that it is the same in all the affairs of life. Great success, in every walk, is gained by the bold enthusiasm which attends the activity of pursuit, but falls off when a series of fortunate events have blunted the edge of this activity, and brought on a flothful poffeffion. This is the case in common life, in war, in polisics, in commerce. It is upon the solid foundation of these reasons that I am an enemy to sentiments which I have often hcard in England,


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